THE
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OP
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GANDHI
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( 1947 - 1948 )
THE
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OF
MAHATMA
GANDHI
VOLUME NINETY
THE PUBLICATIONS DIVISION
THE
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WORKS
OP
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GANDHI
xc
( 1947 - 1948 )
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THE COLLECTED WORKS OF
MAHATMA GANDHI
XC
(November 11, 1947 -January 30, 1948)
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF
MAHATMA GANDHI
xc
(November 11, 1947 -January 30, 1948)
THE PUBLICATIONS DIVISION
Ministry of Information and Broadcasting
Government of India
April 1984 ( Vaisakha 1906 )
© Navajivan Trust, Ahmedabad, 1984
COPYRIGHT
By Kind Permission of Navajivan Trust, Ahmedabad
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR, THE PUBLICATIONS DIVISION
NEW DELHI-110 001
AND PRINTED IN INDIA BY JITENDRA THAKOREBHAI DESAI
NAVAJIVAN PRESS, AHMEDABAD-380 014
Prime Minister
India
FOREWORD
Mahatma Gandhi once wrote, as a warning to those disci-
ples who placed more store by his word than his spirit: “My
writings should be cremated with my body. What I have done
will endure, not what I have said or written.” But he was one
of those who spoke as he thought and acted as he spoke, one
of those few in whom no shadow fell between word and deed.
His words were deeds, and they built a movement and a nation
and changed the lives of countless individuals.
That is why the Government of India decided to collect and
publish everything that Mahatma Gandhi wrote, and every
authentic account of what he had said. I am glad that with
this ninetieth volume the Collected Works series comes to a
culmination.
When Gandhiji was assassinated, Jawaharlal Nehru remark-
ed: “We will not see him again as we have seen him for these
many years. We will not run to him for advice and seek solace
from him.” But this set of books will enable us to seek guid-
ance and solace from a man who showed how to locate and
nurture the strength within. Through his experiments with the
power within himself he became a Mahatma.
Gandhiji warned us against the danger of making a sect
out of his thought. In reading him we should be guided by
what he said about his writings:
My aim is not to be consistent with my previous statements
on a given question, but to be consistent with truth as it
may present itself to me at a given moment. The result
has been that I have grown from truth to truth. . . . My
words and deeds are dictated by prevailing conditions. There
has been a gradual evolution in my environment and I re-
act to it as a Satyagrahi.
The volumes of the Collected Works provide a record of
the evolution of one of the greatest men of history; they also
provide source material on the making of our nation.
Gandhiji was a great persuader. He took interest in people’s
problems and tried to bring them around to his point of view.
Many sought his advice on personal matters. So he spoke and
wrote incessantly on a variety of subjects: not only eternal values
like truth and non-violence but practical matters like keeping
homes and streets clean.
I wish to place on record my appreciation and that of the
Government of India of the dedication and competence of
Professor K. Swaminathan and his team of editors, research
scholars and staff who have laboured over the last twenty-five
years to complete this monumental work.
Camp: Goa,
November 26, 1983
(Indira Gan
ADVISORY BOARD
The
Gandhi
Advisory Board for the Gollected Works
consists of the following:
. of Mahatma
1.
Morarji Desai
Chairman
2.
Ramlal Parikh
Member
3.
R. R. Diwakar
Member
4.
Jitendra Desai
Member
5.
Joint Secretary
(In charge of
Publications Division
Ministry of Information
and Broadcasting)
Member
6.
Director
Publications Division
Member
7.
K. Swaminathan
Chief Editor
Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi
Secretary
Ex officio
In the earlier years, the following persons had been mem-
bers of the Advisory Board: Kaka Saheb Kalelkar, Devdas Gandhi,
Pyarelal, Maganbhai P. Desai, Ramdhari Sinha “Dinkar”, G.
Ramachandran, Shantilal H. Shah, Jivanji Desai, Thakorebhai
Desai, P. M. Lad, I.C.S., and Shriman Narayan.
EDITORIAL STAFF
At present, the editorial staff consists of:
Chief Editor
K. Swaminathan
Deputy Chief Editors
A. A. Shiromany
J. P. Uniyal
Deputy Director
L. S. Rengarajan
Assistant Editors
M. Koteswara Rao
G. T. Munshi
(Mrs) Satyawati Bhargava
V. G. Mathur
(Mrs) Lalitha Zackariah
(Mrs) Nirmala Subramanian
(Mrs) Rama Misra
(Mrs) Anjani Bhushan
(Mrs) Usha Kiran Goel
(Miss) Sneh Rai
Consultant
C. N. Patel
The project started in 1956 with Dr. Bharatan Kumarappa
as its first Chief Editor. On his demise in 1957, Mr. Jairam-
das Doulatram was appointed Chief Editor. He resigned in
October, 1959 and Professor K. Swaminathan took over as Chief
Editor in February, 1960.
In the recent past, the following had worked as Deputy
Chief Editors and/or Editors: U. R. Rao, Bhawani Prasad
Mishra, Anandilal Tiwari, C. N. Patel, K. N. Vaswani, G. D.
Gadre, (Mrs) Lakshmi Tripathi, R. N. Tivary, S. K. Sundar
and A. N. Singh.
Earlier, the following had served as Editors or Translators
for various periods: R. K. Prabhu, M. K. Desai, S. C. Dixit,
Ratilal Mehta, N. K. Desai, P. G. Deshpande, Madho Prasad,
Ram Singh, P. R. Kaikini, Govind Vyas and C. L. Narasimhan.
[ix]
Assistant Editors who had worked in the past include:
Shrinath Singh, Parashuram Mehrotra, Hasmukh Shah, Jaipal
Nangia, Dr. V. B. Gangal, O. P. Sharma, Sangam Lai, S. Sri-
vastava, G. S. Mobile, (Mrs) Urmila Kataria, (Miss) Rasik Shah,
(Miss) M. B. Laher, V. G. Nesarikar, (Mrs) Bharati Narasimhan,
A. Padmanabhan, (Mrs) Shyama Malhotra, M. V. Rajwadi, B. K.
Ahluwalia, D. K. Rai, Hari Shankar Sharma, R. P. Dhasmana,
Rama Nath Shastri, (Mrs) Rajani Aucharmal, P. J. Menon and
(Mrs) V. Kanakadurgamba.
The above staff have been assisted by a large and com-
petent team of Research Assistants, Reference Assistants and
Sub-Editors at various stages in the work of collection, research,
translation, editing and production.
PREFACE
This volume covers the last eighty-one days of Gandhiji’s
life, from November 11, 1947 to January 30, 1948, the fateful
Friday, when martyrdom mercifully ended his prolonged agony
as he witnessed the fires of hatred burning fierce on both sides of
the country’s new Western border. In fulfilment of his vow to
“ do or die”, to establish peace in Delhi or perish in the attempt,
he undertook on January 13 a fast which did have a cleansing
effect on most people in both countries, but which roused the
resentment of a few fanatics who promptly put out the light that
hurt their eyes. Then the whole world passed through a moment
of hushed silence, the “calm of mind, all passion spent”, which
follows any profound aesthetic experience. This perfect end to a
life which was a perfect poem, composed of deeds, not words,
lifted the protagonist from Indian history to world mythology
where human imagination (in Coleridge’s phrase) repeats in time
and space “the eternal act of creation in the Infinite I AM”.
The Kavi and the Kapi merged; the Mahatma became Hanuman,
the servant through Time of the Eternal Master.
The volume indeed reads like the last act of a Greek tragedy,
with Gandhiji playing the double role of hero and chorus, the
bird that eats the fruit and the bird that looks on, till the Pre-
sident of the Immortals pulls some string and stills the moving
music into synchronic silence.
In a convocation address on December 13, 1947 Nehru said:
“Freedom came to us, our long-sought freedom, with a minimum
of violence. But immediately afterwards we had to wade through
oceans of blood and tears . . . Horror piled on horror and a sudden
emptiness seized us. . . . The lights seemed to go out. But one
bright flame continued to burn and shed its light on the sur-
rounding gloom. And looking at that bright, pure flame, strength
and hope returned to us . . . There was the Spirit of India, strong
and unsullied, rising above the turmoil of the present . . . during
the past four months, in a dissolving world, he has been like a
rock of purpose and a lighthouse of truth”.
The volume opens with Gandhiji’s speeches on Diwali, the
festival of lights, symbolizing the triumph of good over evil.
Using the myth for interiorizing the historical situation and its
moral imperative, Gandhiji reminds his hearers that all men,
even Rama and Ravana, are brothers, that Rama is the light
[xii]
divine within each human heart and Ravana the darkness which
is but deliberate denial or forgetfulness of that light. It is within
each human heart that the great war between good and evil is
being perpetually waged. The paramount need, then, was to keep
alive “the light of love within”. The Diwali festival would be
celebrated in truth only when all the Muslims who had fled in
fear were brought back (pp. 18-9).
While humbly admitting his failure to understand the work-
ing of ahimsa (pp. 2-3 and 34), Gandhiji never lost his faith in
God and in the power of His Name, which gave him a peace
transcending his mental agony. This faith sustained his strength
as he struggled with patience beyond measure to save India’s
humanity (pp. 37, 82, 101 and 273). In prayer speeches and
in talks with visitors and with refugees in their camps, he
urged Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims alike to shed anger and hatred,
reminding them of the common human proneness to “commit
mistakes” and also of the need and the ability “to forgive and
forget” (p. 52). Admitting that the Muslim League started the
mischief long before August 15, 1947 and that Pakistan’s sins
were “terrible enough”, he told the Hindus and Sikhs that by
copying the sin they had become “fellow-sinners” (pp. 99 and 123)
and that confession of one’s guilt “purifies and uplifts” (p. 228).
He spoke again and again of reported atrocities against Muslims
in Jammu, Junagadh and elsewhere, even at the risk of his re-
marks being exploited in Pakistan (pp. 115, 117-9, 140-3 and 169).
With Indian Muslims he was gentler but not less frank. He
wanted them to acknowledge their part in bringing about the
tragedy and to atone for it. He told them, “I shall never advise
you to go away from here. . . . you should stay, for India is your
home. And if your brethren should kill you, you should bravely
meet death” (p. 154).
In Calcutta where Suhrawardy had shown such heroic courage
and faced the angry Hindus, a miracle had been possible. But in
Delhi there was no responsible Muslim who could approach the
Hindus “if only to die”; even the nationalist Muslims had “lost
this strength” (pp. 23-4). Nevertheless he looked forward to the
day when “all those who had been driven away from their hearths
and homes would return . . . and resume their avocations in per-
fect security and peace as before” (p. 262). That Hindus and
Muslims could not co-exist was a “poisonous doctrine” which he
pledged himself to resist and to do or die in the attempt (p. 222).
Gandhiji had to do some plain speaking in the Congress
Working Committee and the A. I. C. G. which represented “the vast
[ xiii ]
ocean of Indian humanity” (p. 38). He told them, “The Muslim
League indeed is culpable, but not every Muslim. ... it is your
prime duty to treat Muslims as your brothers, whatever may happen
in Pakistan” (p. 41). The All-India Congress Committee did pass
a resolution urging that “every effort should be made to enable the
evacuees and refugees from either Dominion ultimately to return
to their homes and to their original occupations under condi-
tions of safety and security” (pp. 538-9). But its implementation
required reciprocity and this was not forthcoming from Pakistan.
Far from responding to this gesture of friendship, Pakistan
made mutual reconciliation impossible by its cynically one-sided
approach to the problem of the princely States. In Junagadh it
readily accepted the Muslim ruler’s accession without reference
to the will of the people (most of whom were Hindus), but it
objected to Kashmir’s accession to India, though it was on the
advice of Sheikh Abdullah and subject to confirmation by the
people. The Maharaja’s decision was precipitated by the invasion
of the State by tribesmen, permitted, if not incited, by Pakistan’s
rulers and later actively supported by its army. The conflicts
over the two States destroyed whatever chances there might have
been for a wise and humane solution of the refugees problem.
For Gandhiji and the Government of India, accession was a
matter to be decided by the will of the people. Even so, Gandhiji
was not at all happy over his nephew Shamaldas Gandhi’s role in
frightening away “the poor little ruler of Junagadh” to Karachi
instead of winning him over through love (pp. 101-2).
In Kashmir, Gandhiji would have preferred non-violent mass
resistance to the Afridis, but in the absence of such moral strength
in the people, he had to yield “tacit consent” to the Government
of India’s action in sending the army to defend Kashmir against
the invaders (p. 511). But once this “righteous war” had been
won, he would have liked a mutually agreed settlement so that
“we could live as peaceful neighbours”. Mistakes had been
made on both sides, but we should not “persist in those mistakes”
(p. 357).
The Government of India tried to put pressure on Pakistan,
and so procure a quick, agreed settlement, by postponing pay-
ment of the agreed share of the cash balances of undivided India.
In a statement to the Press on January 12, Sardar Patel explain-
ed at length the rationale of this decision. However, as a result
of Gandhiji’s fast beginning on January 13 “in the cause of the
Muslims” (p. 415), the Indian Cabinet reversed a “settled fact”
and in order to save Gandhiji’s life and remove a “cause of
[xiv]
friction between India and Pakistan”, decided to give immediate
effect to the agreement about cash balances and to transfer
Rs. 55 crores to Pakistan’s account (Appendix V, pp. 550-6).
Like a mother giving bitter pills to her children, Gandhiji
gave to ministers, constructive workers and over-zealous reformers
much salutary advice, however harsh it might have sounded at
the moment. He warned people that freedom was not “suicidal
anarchy”, that it called for self-sacrifice and self-restraint, for
everyone thinking of “the whole of India”, not of oneself and
one’s family alone (p. 86). Refugees should learn to live together,
should work for and earn their bread, clothing and shelter, keep
their camps clean and “build ideal cities” (pp. 84 and 186). Since
controls encouraged laziness and corruption (which was even
worse than violence), they should be removed so that the millions
would learn to be far-sighted, “by making mistakes and rectifying
them” (p. 197). In a democracy, government should trust the
people and educate them in and through the exercise of freedom
(p. 344). “Real democracy people learn not from books, not
from the government who are in name and in reality their ser-
vants. Hard experience is the most efficient teacher in democracy”
(p. 399). Gandhiji had unbounded faith in the inborn goodness
of the common people and their capacity to learn. For the com-
munal disturbances he held others, intellectuals and leaders, re-
sponsible, not the common people (pp. 83 and 248). People should
be educated in freedom so that they could “keep the ministers on
their toes” (p. 391). A good government should ensure both
freedom and welfare and thus promote “the largest good of the
people with the minimum of controls” (p. 325).
While busily engaged in containing and quenching the fire
raging round him, Gandhiji never lost sight of the ultimate goal
of building a better India on the secure foundation of self-reliant
citizens in prosperous villages. He asserted that future govern-
ments (whether Congress, Socialist or Communist) would, after
stumbling in attempts to compete with America or Russia, realize
the truth that India had no option “except to develop village
industries” (p. 57). On December 11 and 12 he called a meeting
of various constructive work organizations and told them that
“the social order of our dreams cannot come through the
Congress of today”, that the task of the constructive workers was
to “improve our national character”, that with imagination and
intellect these institutions could be forged into “instruments for
the building up of democracy”, and that this aim could be achieved
only if they kept away from the competition for political power
[xv]
(pp. 215-23). Renunciation of power was the prerequisite for
the development of soul-force or the power of love. Compassion
was the root of dharma, and its outward expression was
loving service of the common people, and its fruit was spiritual
authority strong enough to prevail over temporal power. Indeed,
the weapon of satyagraha could be effective only in the hands of a
“man of God” who “renders unto Caesar that which is Caesar’s,
but who knows how to deal with the usurpation if Caesar
forgetting his limits oversteps them” (p. 119).
In the flames of hatred raging round him Gandhiji saw, not
the failure of ahimsa, but his own failure to understand and apply
the truth behind ahimsa. In a letter to Karl Struve he humbly
confessed that he had not “exhibited any heroic and demon-
strable” non-violence in himself as yet (p. 337). On January 1,
he wrote to a friend that the peace in Delhi was only from fear
of the police. “There is fire in people’s hearts. That fire must
either consume me or must be extinguished” (p. 339). On
January 4, he wrote: “Everything about me is uncertain. But I
am moving towards light” (p. 353). On January 8, he wrote:
“There is still much fire smouldering. One cannot say when it
may not leap into flames” (p. 383). Some Maulanas of Delhi
saw him on January 11 and one of them asked for help to enable
them to go away to England. Gandhiji had no answer to give
them (p. 422). In his prayer speech that evening, he pleaded:
“. . . we must forget that we are Hindus or Sikhs or Muslims
or Parsis. ... we must be only Indians. It is of no consequence
by what name we call God in our homes. In the work of the
nation, all Indians of all faiths are one. . . . We are Indians and
we must lay down our lives in protecting Hindus, Muslims,
Parsis, Sikhs and all others” (pp. 403-4).
For days he had been brooding over his “impotence” to
give the right answer to the Muslim friends who had sought his
guidance. The final conclusion flashed upon him on the after-
noon of the 12th and it made him happy. Without consulting
anyone, not even Nehru or Patel, who had called on him a cou-
ple of hours earlier, he drafted a statement to be read out at
the prayer meeting in the evening, announcing the commence-
ment of an indefinite fast the following day. This was his answer
to the Maulanas. The fast was to quicken conscience, not deaden
it, to turn the searchlight inwards and seek self-purification.
“No man, if he is pure, has anything more precious to give than
his life. I hope and pray that I have that purity in me to justify
the step” (p. 409).
[xvi]
The step was indeed justified as it evoked the right response
from all quarters. Numerous telegrams from Pakistan as well as
India conveyed assurances of communal amity. On the 16th,
the Government of India announced the decision to release forth-
with the cash balances due to Pakistan. On the 17th, leaders of
all communities, Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims, met in Delhi and
on the 18th a hundred representatives of various organizations
called on Gandhiji with a joint statement pledging themselves
to fulfil the conditions he had laid down for breaking the fast.
Satisfied at last, he said, “. . . till today our face was turned to-
wards Satan, we have now resolved to turn towards God” (p.
446). Then the fast was broken.
Even during this ordeal Gandhiji retained his detachment
and sense of humour. He wrote to Mirabehn that his meal
consisted of 8 oz. of hot water “sipped with difficulty” and he took
several such “poison-tasting but nectar-like” meals. “Yet I claim
to be fasting and credulous people accept it” (p. 430). Among
these credulous people, strangely enough, were two famous for-
mer critics of fasting as a method of coercion. This time Arthur
Moore of The Statesman and Nehru himself went on a sympathe-
tic fast.
After breaking the fast, Gandhiji wrote to co-workers, “From
calm I have entered storm” (pp. 454 and 468). In two days it
became clear what shape the storm would take. During his prayer
meeting on the 20th a group of angry Hindus made the first
attempt on his life. Gandhiji did not know at the time that
it was a bomb explosion. The following evening he adjured his
listeners not to hate the bomb-thrower. In fact, he pleaded his
case and cited in his defence a verse from the Gita. “He had
taken it for granted that I am an enemy of Hinduism” and
“thinks he has been sent by God to destroy me” (p. 472).
Deprecating the security measures taken by the Government,
he told his host G. D. Birla, “. . . it is Rama who protects me . . .
everything else is futile” (p. 470). As the end drew near, it
became clear that the oft-repeated mantra “Do or die” had only
been the sombre, strident counterpoint to the steady, bright,
basic melody: we are all in the hands of Rama, playthings,
dancing to the tune He sings, dancing as He pulls the strings
(pp. 96, 273).
On January 24, he wrote to a friend, “I am a servant of
Rama. I will do His work so long as He wills. ... if I have
been sincere in my pursuit of truth, non-violence, non-stealing,
hrahmacharya ... I shall certainly be granted the kind of death that
[ xvii ]
I seek . . . that should someone kill me I may have no anger against
the killer . . . and I may die with Ramanama on my lips” (p. 489).
With such serene faith in Rama, he was busy as usual, dis-
cussing with co-workers how the Congress could be reorganized
and made “a strong and efficient instrument of public service and
of public will” in free India (p. 506). He planned a ten-day visit to
Sevagram in February to study the “possibility of uniting the vari-
ous organizations for constructive work into one body . . .” (p. 520).
To an angry refugee who advised him to retire to the Himalayas,
he replied, “I want to find peace in the midst of turmoil or I
want to die in the turmoil. My Himalayas are here” (p. 525).
On the last day of his life on earth Gandhiji was preoccupied
with the reported rift between Nehru and Patel. In a long discus-
sion with Patel from 4 p. m. up to the minute he had to leave
for the prayer, he told him that the presence of both himself
and Nehru in the Government was “indispensable” (p. 534). While
he was busy talking with Patel, some visitors from Saurashtra sent
in a request for an appointment and received the message: “Tell
them I shall talk with them during my walk after the prayers,
if I am alive” (p. 533).
The last words he uttered were “Hey Ram”. The real Ruler
of the Universe, whose names are many and whose ways are mys-
terious, loved his patient servant and would not on the rack of
this tough world stretch him out longer.
Gandhiji’ s political legacy, a functioning democracy albeit
mounted on a rickety machine, was safe in the hands of a team
of selfless patriots led by Nehru, an idealist with a heart of gold,
and Patel, a realist with a mind of steel. Friendship with the
British people was intact and promised to be permanent. Their
rule had gone, but the use of their language would never go
(p. 443).
No such concrete success could be expected for Gandhiji’ s
larger mission of “spiritualizing” politics and public life. Indeed
there was for a moment the danger of “politicizing” religion and
so destroying it. The fast which restored the Hindus to sanity
averted this danger and was not the least of the Mahatma’s
services to his mother religion. Right from his early South
African days, he had continued and carried forward the process of
purifying and revitalizing the ancient dharma, a process begun
in South India by Ramalinga Swami and in Bengal by Swami
Vivekananda. The former was the mentor of the Tamil “coolies”
whose steadfast faith in dharma opened the eyes of the barrister
to the integrity of the common people and transformed him into
[ xviii ]
a mahatma bound by mutual trust with the masses of India.
The latter set up Daridranarayana (God in the form of the poor)
as the living image whose service was the highest sadhana. In a
letter to Wybergh in 1910 (Vol. X, pp. 247-8), Gandhiji had
declared that the ideal of mokska, the highest value and the im-
mediate aim of all mankind, should not be lowered for anyone
or withheld from anyone. Unbridled “materialism”, the bane of
modern civilization, did not add one inch to man’s moral stature.
The reduction of economic and social disparities was most smooth-
ly effected by the simultaneous satisfaction of the survival needs
of the poor and the Being needs of the rich. Gandhiji therefore
asserted that self-realization was “impossible without service of,
and identification with, the poorest” (Vol. XXXI, p. 511).
What Gandhiji meant was not relief or charity, but radical re-
structuring of the present exploitative economic system.
By thus bringing the light and warmth of dharma to bear
on artha, Gandhiji did succeed in some measure in breaking
down the barriers between Brahmin and “untouchable”, between
the rich elite and the poor masses, between sacred and profane.
He spread far and wide the faith and the feeling that all life is
holy, all selves are one and all human beings potentially divine.
Man was not an ape drunk with Mephistophelean power, but a
god manque. Life on earth was a constant ascent; the Hindu
should become a better Hindu, the Muslim a better Muslim,
the Christian a better Christian and so on (p. 293).
This Vaishnava dharma, which is the undying poetry of
earth, lives embodied in Rama and Krishna, gods whom one
does not fear and obey, but loves as friends and admires as heroes,
and freely chooses to play with and work for. In this myth,
metaphysics and morals meet as the beauty of truth in thought
and deed; like any athlete, artist or mathematician, the devotee
of Vishnu rejoices as much in discipline as in freedom, and the
ego wears away in the service of Narayana, who is Goodness,
Beauty and Truth combined. The wheel of dharma would not let
the servant rest one moment, but at its still centre there is peace
for the strong. This too Gandhiji knew: “My God is Formless
and Faultless and it is He who is giving me strength” (p. 37).
Identity with others is a felt, though not permanent, expe-
rience, taken for granted by ordinary people uncorrupted by
materialism and is comparable to the aesthetic delight in agony
as in ecstasy. It is not rhetoric, but a reminder of our common
humanity, when Gandhiji says, “. . . when someone commits a
crime anywhere I feel I am the culprit. ... If I were to commit
[xix]
any crime you should also think that you too were guilty of it.
Let us all merge in each other like drops of ocean. If the drops
of ocean remain apart they would dry up” (p. 133).
The Gita teaching Gandhiji summed up to this effect: This
whole universe exists in God, and even thieves and tigers are
ourselves. “It is man’s nature to do good, for all selves are
one. . . . When this is realized man’s ego melts away” (Vol.
XXXII, pp. 218 and 280).
All human beings are thus born friends bound together by
love and kindness. Hence mutual co-operation is normal, natural
and necessary in any society where wants and desires are limited
to legitimate needs. Hatred, distrust, cruelty and war are ugly
and unnatural, and therefore to be shunned. “Love, otherwise
ahimsa, sustains this planet of ours” (p. 195). The rule of life
is friendly co-operation with all. However bad a man may be
“we must treat him as a friend and work with him. We must
never under any circumstances treat anyone as an enemy” (pp.
450-1). Satyagraha is effective because it is a good friend’s delib-
erate and temporary withdrawal of co-operation in some action
or policy which is ugly and painful as it tends to disrupt the
essential unity that binds all human beings. All of us are prone
to commit sins sometimes, and also prone more often to per-
form saintly actions. Swadharma consists in responding courageous-
ly to the call of the Inner Ruler and rising above our usual
selves. Only so can one realize the ultimate truth through the
pursuit of beauty in action. “Everybody must act on the prompt-
ings of his conscience; you, on yours; I, on mine; others, on
their own; and from that at last truth will come out” (p. 225).
Inwit, the Inner light, illumining head and heart alike, would
guide the seeker of Truth from step to step on the path of action.
If beauty is a means to Truth, so too is utility. If a beauti-
ful myth moves the heart to heroic action, a lemma, like the as-
sumption of a separate and surviving self, may well be used to
support morality. In a letter of 1935, Gandhiji defines realization
as “pure and selfless service of all living creatures” (Vol. LX, p. 2).
In another letter he further explains: “For a belief in rebirth, it is
necessary to believe in the existence of T’. If I do not exist
and God alone exists, then who is to be reborn and how? This
realization itself is rebirth, isn’t it? ... When you truly believe . . .
that ‘God alone exists’, then there is no rebirth for you. The
man who becomes one with God is liberated. . . . Realization
comes through the heart. The head can provide only logic. . . .
Service alone can bring about realization” (Vol. LX, p. 159).
[xx]
However much doctrines and theories may differ, all real
religion . . makes for peace, love and joy in the world. . . .
science and religion are complementary to each other” (p. 316).
One’s swadharma is not determined by casuistry, but by the inner
call to prompt and precise action to relieve tension in human
relationships. All religions, applied in a “scientific” way to any
concrete situation, tend to converge and “make for peace, love
and joy”. A wooden slate-frame gone out of shape could be set
right by firm, correct handling of the one corner one happens
to hold (p. 84).
Taking the utmost responsibility on oneself and conceding
the utmost freedom to others, feeling and thinking globally and
acting locally, Gandhiji’s empirical religion reconciles the dual-
ism of Madhva and Islam, the modified non-dualism of Rama-
nuja and Christianity and the non-dualism of Sankara and pure
science. Where people are unconsciously moved to action by the
poetry of religion, goodness and beauty attend their thoughts,
words and deeds as naturally as leaves, flowers and fruit come
to a living tree. It is this humanizing Hinduism with its plura-
listic world view and non-violent way of life that Gandhiji was
proud of and claimed to be the universal religion which would
free the world from all its ills (p. 248) and which would live
as long as the sun shines in the sky (p. 79). From Man’s
spiritual element, the ocean of compassion, all religions arise and
into it again must Islam, Christianity and other streams flow
back (p. 177).
The golden age which began with Ramalinga Swami and
included Vivekananda, Sri Aurobindo, Tagore, Narayan Guru,
Bharati and Ramana Maharshi, and which ended with Vinoba
Bhave provided the congenial milieu for Gandhiji’s political and
social action. It was Gandhiji’s spiritual mission to try and
harmonize all religions and make multitudes of men and women
doers of the Word of God instead of being merely its preachers
and hearers.
NOTE TO THE READER
In reproducing English material, every endeavour has been
made to adhere strictly to the original. Obvious typographical
errors have been corrected and words abbreviated in the text
generally spelt out. Variant spellings of names have, however,
been retained as in the original.
Matter in square brackets has been supplied by the Editors.
Quoted passages, where these are in English, have been set up
in small type and printed with an indent. Indirect reports of
speeches and interviews, as also passages which are not by Gan-
dhiji have been set up in small type. In reports of speeches and
interviews, slight changes and omissions, where necessary, have
been made in passages not attributed to Gandhiji.
While translating from Gujarati and Hindi, efforts have been
made to achieve fidelity and also readability in English. Where
English translations are available, they have been used with
such changes as were necessary to bring them into conformity
with the original.
The date of an item has been indicated at the top right-
hand corner; if the original is undated, the inferred date is sup-
plied within square brackets, the reasons being given where
necessary. The writings are placed under the date of publication,
except where they carry a date-line or where the date of writing
has special significance and is ascertainable.
In the source-line, the symbol S. N. stands for documents
available in the Sabarmati Sangrahalaya, Ahmedabad; G. N.
refers to those available in the Gandhi National Museum and
Library (Rashtriya Gandhi Sangrahalaya), New Delhi; M. M. U.
for the reels of the Mobile Microfilm Unit and S. G. for the
documents of the Sevagram collection, which are also available
in the Gandhi National Museum and Library. C. W. denotes
documents secured by the Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi.
The Appendices provide background material relevant to the
text. A list of sources and a chronology for the period covered
by the volume are also provided at the end.
A CKJVO WLED GEMENTS
For material in this volume, we are indebted to the Sabar-
mati Ashram Preservation and Memorial Trust and Sangraha-
laya, the Navajivan Trust and the Gujarat Vidyapith Grantha-
laya, Ahmedabad; the All India Radio, the Gandhi National
Museum and Library (Rashtriya Gandhi Sangrahalaya), the
National Archives of India and the Nehru Memorial Museum
and Library, New Delhi; Shri Pyarelal, New Delhi; Shri Mani-
bhai Desai, Uruli-Kanchan; Shri Jivanji D. Desai, Shri Munnalal
G. Shah, Shri Prabhakar, Smt. Gomatibehn Mashruwala, Bar-
doli; Shri Narandas Gandhi; Smt. Bapsy Pavry, Marchioness of
Winchester, England; Shri Valji G. Desai, Baroda; Smt. Sharda
G. Chokhawala, Surat; Shri Kanu Gandhi, Rajkot; Smt. Vana-
mala Desai, Shri Anand T. Hingorani, New Delhi; Shri Vallabh-
ram, Shri Roger W. Holmes, Smt. Vijaya Pancholi, Amala;
Shri Amrita Lai Chatterjee, Calcutta; Smt. Rajkumari Amrit
Kaur, Smt. Madeleine Rolland, Smt. Mirabehn, Smt. Prema
Kantak, Sasvad; Shri Kanubhai Nanalal Mashruwala, Shri
Kanti Gandhi, Smt. Lilavati Asar, Shri Shantikumar N. Morar-
jee, Bombay; the publishers of the books: Bapuki Chhayamen,
Bapuna Patro-4: Manibehn Patelne, Bapuna Patro-9: Narandas
Gandhine, Part II, Bapuna Patro-2: Sardar Vallabhbhaine, Bapuni
Prasadi, Charles Ereer Andrews, Dilhiman Gandhiji, Parts I and II,
GandhijVs Correspondence with the Government, 1944-47, Mahatma:
Life of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, Vols. I and VIII, Mahatma
Gandhi: The Last Phase, Vol. II, Prarthana-Pravachan, Part II,
Romain Rolland and Gandhi Correspondence, Sansmarno, Sardar PateVs
Correspondence, Vol. IV, and the following newspapers and jour-
nals : {The) Bombay Chronicle, Harijan, Harijanbandhu, Harijan Sevak,
{The) Hindu, {The) Hindustan Times and Majoor-Sandesh.
CONTENTS
FOREWORD BY Smt. Indira Gandhi v
ADVISORY BOARD vii
EDITORIAL STAFF viii
PREFACE xi
NOTE TO THE READER xxi
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS xxii
ILLUSTRATIONS XXXvi
1 WHEN A BLESSING BECOMES A CURSE (11-11-1947) 1
2 A PSYCHOLOGICAL EXPLANATION (11-11-1947) 1
3 LETTER TO R. B. GREGG (11-11-1947) 3
4 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (11-11-1947) 4
5 FRAGMENT OF LETTER TO A WOMAN WORKER (11-11-1947) 5
6 EXTRACT FROM A LETTER (11-11-1947) 5
7 LETTER TO SAHASRABUDDHE (11-11-1947) 6
8 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (11-11-1947) 6
9 LETTER TO MORARJI DESAI (12-11-1947) 9
10 LETTER TO JEHANGIR PATEL (12-11-1947) 11
11 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (12-11-1947) 11
12 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (12-11-1947) 12
13 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (12-11-1947) 12
14 LETTER TO D. B. JAGTAP (12-11-1947) 13
15 A LETTER (12-11-1947) 14
16 TALK WITH MUSLIM STUDENTS (12-11-1947) 14
17 BROADCAST TO REFUGEES AT KURUKSHETRA CAMP
(12-11-1947) 15
18 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (12-11-1947) 18
19 LETTER TO MANIBHAI B. DESAI (12-11-1947) 20
20 NO INCONSISTENCY (13-11-1947) 22
21 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (13-11-1947) 23
22 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (13-11-1947) 23
23 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (13-11-1947) 24
24 TALK WITH DAHYABHAI AND YASHODA PATEL (13-11-1947) 25
25 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (13-11-1947) 25
26 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (14-11-1947) 30
27 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (14-11-1947) 31
28 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (14-11-1947) 32
29 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (14-11-1947) 32
30 MESSAGE TO STUDENTS’ PEACE CONFERENCE (On or
befo re 15-11-1947)
34
[ xxiv ]
31 LETTER TO MATHURADAS TRIKUMJI (15-11-1947) 34
32 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (15-11-1947) 35
33 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (15-11-1947) 36
34 LETTER TO CHANDRANI (15-11-1947) 36
35 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (15-11-1947) 37
36 SPEECH AT A. I. C. C. MEETING (15-11-1947) 37
37 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (15-11-1947) 44
38 LETTER TO PYARELAL (After 15-11-1947) 45
39 LETTER TO CHAMPA R. MEHTA (16-11-1947) 46
40 LETTER TO ABBAS (16-11-1947) 47
41 LETTER TO CHIMANLAL N. SHAH (16-11-1947) 47
42 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (16-11-1947) 48
43 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (16-11-1947) 48
44 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (16-11-1947) 49
45 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (16-11-1947) 49
46 HOW TO GROW MORE FOOD (17-11-1947) 52
47 CONTROLS (17-11-1947) 53
48 LETTER TO LORD ISMAY (17-11-1947) 54
49 FRAGMENT OF LETTER TO ABDUL GHAFFAR KHAN
(17-11-1947) 54
50 LETTER TO PRABHUDAS GANDHI (17-11-1947) 55
51 LETTER TO INDU PAREKH (17-11-1947) 55
52 LETTER TO JIVANJI D. DESAI (17-11-1947) 56
53 A LETTER (17-11-1947) 56
54 A NOTE (17-11-1947) 57
55 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (17-11-1947) 58
56 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (17-11-1947) 58
57 A LETTER (18-11-1947) 61
58 TALK WITH RAJENDRA PRASAD (18-11-1947) 62
59 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (18-11-1947) 63
60 LETTER TO MUNNALAL G. SHAH (19-11-1947) 67
61 LETTER TO KANCHAN M. SHAH (19-11-1947) 68
62 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (19-11-1947) 68
63 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (19-11-1947) 69
64 LETTER TO M. A. HUNAR (19-11-1947) 70
65 LETTER TO RATANDEVI (19-11-1947) 70
66 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (19-11-1947) 71
67 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (19-11-1947) 71
68 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (20-11-1947) 75
69 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (21-11-1947) 77
70 RAYS OF HOPE (22-11-1947) 81
71 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (22-11-1947) 82
72 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (22-11-1947) 83
[ XXV ]
73 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (22-11-1947) 83
74 LINGUISTIC REDISTRIBUTION (23-11-1947) 85
75 UNBELIEVABLE (23-11-1947) 87
76 DEATH COURAGEOUS OR COWARDLY (23-11-1947) 87
77 NATIONAL GUARDS (23-11-1947) 88
78 IN PRAISE OF DECONTROL (23-11-1947) 89
79 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (23-11-1947) 90
80 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (23-11-1947) 90
81 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (23-11-1947) 91
82 LETTER TO JIVANJI D. DESAI (24-11-1947) 95
83 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (24-11-1947) 95
84 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (24-11-1947) 96
85 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (24-11-1947) 96
86 LETTER TO CHAMPA R. MEHTA (25-11-1947) 99
87 LETTER TO CHIMANLAL N. SHAH (25-11-1947) 100
88 LETTER TO HIRAGAURI (25-11-1947) 100
89 LETTER TO CHUNIBHAI (25-11-1947) 100
90 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (25-11-1947) 101
91 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (25-11-1947) 101
92 LETTER TO PRABHAKAR (25-11-1947) 102
93 LETTER TO KRISHNACHANDRA (25-11-1947) 102
94 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (25-11-1947) 103
95 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (25-11-1947) 103
96 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (25-11-1947) 104
97 LETTER TO LILAVATI ASAR (26-11-1947) 108
98 LETTER TO PRABHUDAS GANDHI (26-11-1947) 109
99 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (26-11-1947) 109
100 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (26-11-1947) 110
101 LETTER TO S. M. QASIM RIZVI (26-11-1947) 110
102 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (26-11-1947) 111
103 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (26-11-1947) 111
104 LETTER TO D. B. KALELKAR (27-11-1947) 113
105 LETTER TO SURENDRA MEDH (27-11-1947) 114
106 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (27-11-1947) 114
107 NO COMPARISON POSSIBLE (28-11-1947) 119
108 LETTER TO P. KODANDA RAO (28-11-1947) 120
109 LETTER TO MANKUMAR NAG (28-11-1947) 120
110 LETTER TO MANIBEHN (28-11-1947) 121
111 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (28-11-1947) 121
112 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (28-11-1947) 122
113 SPEECH AT GURU NANAK BIRTHDAY FUNCTION (28-11-1947) 122
114 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (28-11-1947) 124
115 LETTER TO YVONNE PRIVAT (29-11-1947) 129
[ xxvi ]
116 LETTER TO ANASUYA SARABHAI ( 29 - 11 - 1947 ) 131
117 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER ( 29 - 11 - 1947 ) 131
118 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 29 - 11 - 1947 ) 132
119 ITS WISE USE ( 30 - 11 - 1947 ) 136
120 LETTER TO KISHORELAL G. MASHRUWALA ( 30 - 11 - 1947 ) 137
121 LETTER TO SATISH D. KALELKAR ( 30 - 11 - 1947 ) 137
122 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER ( 30 - 11 - 1947 ) 138
123 LETTER TO RAIHANA TYABJI ( 30 - 11 - 1947 ) 139
124 LETTER TO MUSLIM CHAMBER OF COMMERCE ( 30 - 11 - 1947 ) 139
125 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 30 - 11 - 1947 ) 140
126 LETTER TO PYARELAL ( 1 - 12 - 1947 ) 145
127 LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI ( 1 - 12 - 1947 ) 145
128 LETTER TO NARANDAS NALIERWALA ( 1 - 12 - 1947 ) 146
129 LETTER TO HEMPRABHA DAS GUPTA ( 1 - 12 - 1947 ) 146
130 NOTE TO LT.-GEN. K. M. CARIAPPA ( 1 - 12 - 1947 ) 147
131 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 1 - 12 - 1947 ) 147
132 LETTER TO BAPSY PAVRY ( 2 - 12 - 1947 ) 149
133 LETTER TO GHULAM RASOOL QURESHI ( 2 - 12 - 1947 ) 150
134 LETTER TO DILKHUSH DIWANJI ( 2 - 12 - 1947 ) 151
135 LETTER TO JAYASHANKAR PANDYA ( 2 - 12 - 1947 ) 151
136 LETTER TO JAMNA GANDHI ( 2 - 12 - 1947 ) 152
137 LETTER TO SATYEN ( 2 - 12 - 1947 ) 152
138 LETTER TO RAIHANA TYABJI ( 2 - 12 - 1947 ) 153
139 TALK WITH MUSLIMS ( 2 - 12 - 1947 ) 153
140 TALK WITH MUSLIM DELEGATION ( 2 - 12 - 1947 ) 154
141 SPEECH AT PUBLIC MEETING ( 2 - 12 - 1947 ) 156
142 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 2 - 12 - 1947 ) 158
143 LETTER TO CHAMPA MEHTA ( 3 - 12 - 1947 ) 163
144 LETTER TO SHAMALDAS GANDHI ( 3 - 12 - 1947 ) 163
145 LETTER TO LILAVATI ASAR ( 3 - 12 - 1947 ) 164
146 LETTER TO BACHCHHARAJ & CO. ( 3 - 12 - 1947 ) 164
147 TALK WITH LT.-GEN. K. M. CARIAPPA ( 3 - 12 - 1947 ) 165
148 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 3 - 12 - 1947 ) 167
149 LETTER TO KANU GANDHI ( 4 - 12 - 1947 ) 172
150 LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM ( 4 - 12 - 1947 ) 173
151 LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM ( 4 - 12 - 1947 ) 174
152 TALK WITH BURMESE DELEGATION ( 4 - 12 - 1947 ) 174
153 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 4 - 12 - 1947 ) 175
154 LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI ( 5 - 12 - 1947 ) 178
155 LETTER TO SHARDA H. KOTAK ( 5 - 12 - 1947 ) 178
156 TALK WITH GHANSHYAMSINGH GUPTA ( 5 - 12 - 1947 ) 179
157 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 5 - 12 - 1947 ) 179
158 A TALK ( 5 - 12 - 1947 ) 184
[ xxvii ]
159 GIVE AND TAKE ( 6 - 12 - 1947 ) 185
160 LETTER TO VALJI G. DESAI ( 6 - 12 - 1947 ) 186
161 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 6 - 12 - 1947 ) 187
162 DISCUSSION AT KASTURBA GANDHI NATIONAL MEMORIAL
TRUST MEETING ( 7 - 12 - 1947 ) 190
163 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 7 - 12 - 1947 ) 191
164 A FOREWORD ( 8 - 12 - 1947 ) 194
165 NO LIMITATIONS ( 8 - 12 - 1947 ) 195
166 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 8 - 12 - 1947 ) 196
167 LETTER TO ISMAT IFTIKHAR-UD-DIN ( 9 - 12 - 1947 ) 198
168 LETTER TO JIVANJI D. DESAI ( 9 - 12 - 1947 ) 198
169 LETTER TO A MAULANA ( 9 - 12 - 1947 ) 199
170 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 9 - 12 - 1947 ) 199
171 QUESTION BOX ( 10 - 12 - 1947 ) 202
172 ITS DEEP ROOTS ( 10 - 12 - 1947 ) 203
173 DISCUSSION WITH H. S. SUHRAWARDY ( 10 - 12 - 1947 ) 203
174 TALK WITH TEACHERS AND STUDENTS ( 10 - 12 - 1947 ) 204
175 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 10 - 12 - 1947 ) 206
176 WHO SHOULD BE PROVINCIAL GOVERNORS? ( 11 - 12 - 1947 ) 208
177 LETTER TO MANIBHAI B. DESAI ( 11 - 12 - 1947 ) 210
178 LETTER TO VIJAYALAKSHMI PANDIT ( 11 - 12 - 1947 ) 21 1
179 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 11 - 12 - 1947 ) 21 1
180 ADVICE TO DECCAN STATES’ UNION RULERS ( 11 - 12 - 1947 ) 214
181 LETTER TO LORD MOUNTBATTEN ( 11 - 12 - 1947 ) 214
182 DISCUSSION AT CONSTRUCTIVE WORKS COMMITTEE
MEETING ( 11 / 12 - 12 - 1947 ) 215
183 DISCUSSION AT HINDUSTANI TALIMI SANGH MEETING
( 11 / 12 - 12 - 1947 ) 222
184 LETTER TO SHARDA G. CHOKHAWALA ( 12 - 12 - 1947 ) 224
185 LETTER TO KANJI ( 12 - 12 - 1947 ) 224
186 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 12 - 12 - 1947 ) 225
187 NEVER DANGEROUS ( 13 - 12 - 1947 ) 228
188 THE DOCTRINE OF MERGER ( 13 - 12 - 1947 ) 228
189 SPINNING still! ( 13 - 12 - 1947 ) 229
190 LETTER TO NARAHARI D. PARIKH ( 13 - 12 - 1947 ) 230
191 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 13 - 12 - 1947 ) 231
192 REPLY TO RICHARD B. GREGG ( 14 - 12 - 1947 ) 234
193 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 14 - 12 - 1947 ) 234
194 LETTER TO VALJI G. DESAI ( 15 - 12 - 1947 ) 237
195 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 15 - 12 - 1947 ) 238
196 LETTER TO JIVANJI D. DESAI ( 16 - 12 - 1947 ) 241
197 LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM ( 16 - 12 - 1947 ) 242
198 TELEGRAM TO AMTUSSALAAM ( 16 - 12 - 1947 ) 242
[ xxviii ]
199 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 16 - 12 - 1947 ) 242
200 LETTER TO KIRAN SHANKAR ( 17 - 12 - 1947 ) 246
201 LETTER TO VALJI G. DESAI ( 17 - 12 - 1947 ) 246
202 LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI ( 17 - 12 - 1947 ) 247
203 LETTER TO JAMNA GANDHI ( 17 - 12 - 1947 ) 247
204 LETTER TO SHANKARLAL ( 17 - 12 - 1947 ) 247
205 A LETTER ( 17 - 12 - 1947 ) 248
206 MESSAGE TO U. P. STUDENTS ( 17 - 12 - 1947 ) 249
207 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 17 - 12 - 1947 ) 249
208 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER ( 18 - 12 - 1947 ) 253
209 LETTER TO A MUSLIM ( 18 - 12 - 1947 ) 254
210 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 18 - 12 - 1947 ) 254
211 LETTER TO REV. GARDES ( 19 - 12 - 1947 ) 257
212 LETTER TO NAWAB OF BHOPAL ( 19 - 12 - 1947 ) 257
213 LETTER TO CHANDRANI ( 19 - 12 - 1947 ) 258
214 LETTER TO CHIMANLAL N. SHAH ( 19 - 12 - 1947 ) 258
215 LETTER TO DEV PRAKASH NAYYAR ( 19 - 12 - 1947 ) 259
216 LETTER TO M. A. HUNAR ( 19 - 12 - 1947 ) 260
217 MESSAGE TO BIHAR ( 19 - 12 - 1947 ) 260
218 ADDRESS TO MEOS ( 19 - 12 - 1947 ) 261
219 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 19 - 12 - 1947 ) 262
220 LETTER TO DEV PRAKASH NAYYAR ( 20 - 12 - 1947 ) 265
221 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER ( 20 - 12 - 1947 ) 265
222 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 20 - 12 - 1947 ) 266
223 LAWS OF HEALTH ( 21 - 12 - 1947 ) 268
224 COMPOST MANURE ( 21 - 12 - 1947 ) 269
225 COMPOST MANURE ( 21 - 12 - 1947 ) 270
226 LETTER TO CHHAGANLAL JOSHI ( 21 - 12 - 1947 ) 271
227 LETTER TO LILAVATI ASAR ( 21 - 12 - 1947 ) 272
228 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER ( 21 - 12 - 1947 ) 273
229 NOTES ( 22 - 12 - 1947 ) 273
230 NEED FOR STORING GRAIN IN VILLAGES ( 22 - 12 - 1947 ) 275
231 TRIBUTE TO VALJIBHAI ( 22 - 12 - 1947 ) 276
232 LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU ( 22 - 12 - 1947 ) 276
233 LETTER TO DR. BANERJEE ( 22 - 12 - 1947 ) 277
234 LETTER TO V. L. MEHTA ( 22 - 12 - 1947 ) 277
235 LETTER TO YASHWANTKUNWARBA ( 22 - 12 - 1947 ) 278
236 LETTER TO KANU GANDHI ( 22 - 12 - 1947 ) 278
237 LETTER TO BACHU ( 22 - 12 - 1947 ) 279
238 LETTER TO RAMDAS GANDHI ( 22 - 12 - 1947 ) 279
239 LETTER TO SHARDA H. KOTAK ( 22 - 12 - 1947 ) 280
240 NOTE TO MANU GANDHI ( 22 - 12 - 1947 ) 280
241 LETTER TO KUNDANLAL FIRODIA ( 22 - 12 - 1947 ) 281
[ xxix ]
242
SPEECH
AT
PRAYER MEETING (22-12-1947)
282
243
LETTER
TO
SHARDA G. CHOKHAWALA (23-12-1947)
285
244
LETTER
TO
NARAHARI D. PARIKH (23-12-1947)
285
245
LETTER
TO
VANAMALA PARIKH (23-12-1947)
286
246
LETTER
TO
AMRITLAL T. NANAVATI (23-12-1947)
286
247
FRAGMENT
OF A LETTER (23-12-1947)
287
248
SPEECH
AT
PRAYER MEETING (23-12-1947)
287
249
LETTER
TO
ANAND T. HINGORANI (24-12-1947)
290
250
LETTER
TO
GANGI A. HINGORANI (24-12-1947)
291
251
LETTER
TO
DILKHUSH DIWANJI (24-12-1947)
291
252
SPEECH
AT
PRAYER MEETING (24-12-1947)
292
253
LETTER
TO
HAMID-UD-DIN (25-12-1947)
294
254
FRAGMENT
OF A LETTER (25-12-1947)
295
255
FRAGMENT
OF A LETTER (25-12-1947)
295
256
LETTER
TO
KRISHNADAS (25-12-1947)
296
257
LETTER
TO
HEMPRABHA DAS GUPTA (25-12-1947)
296
258
SPEECH
AT
PRAYER MEETING (25-12-1947)
297
259
LETTER
TO
G. V. MAVALANKAR (26-12-1947)
299
260
SPEECH
AT
PRAYER MEETING (26-12-1947)
300
261
LETTER
TO
RATHINDRA NATH TAGORE (27-12-1947)
303
262
LETTER
TO
B. G. KHER (27-12-1947)
303
263
LETTER
TO
MANIBEHN PATEL (27-12-1947)
304
264
LETTER
TO
KHANDUBHAI DESAI (27-12-1947)
304
265
LETTER
TO
SURYAKANT (27-12-1947)
305
266
SPEECH
AT
PRAYER MEETING (27-12-1947)
305
267
MESSAGE
; TO INDONESIA (Before 28-12-1947)
307
268
LETTER
TO
VALJI G. DESAI (28-12-1947)
308
269
LETTER
TO
SHANTIKUMAR N. MORARJEE (28-12-1947)
308
270
ADDRESS
1 TO CLOTH MERCHANTS (28-12-1947)
309
271
SPEECH
AT
PRAYER MEETING (28-12-1947)
311
272
MATTER
WELL PLACED (29-12-1947)
313
273
“dhan’'
’ OF DUST (29-12-1947)
313
274
“URDU
harijan” (29-12-1947)
314
275
LETTER
TO
PYARELAL (29-12-1947)
315
276
LETTER
TO
VALLABHBHAI PATEL (29-12-1947)
316
277
FRAGMENT
OF A LETTER (29-12-1947)
316
278
FRAGMENT
OF A LETTER (29-12-1947)
317
279
SPEECH
at
PRAYER MEETING (29-12-1947)
317
280
LETTER
TO
HOSA RASHID (30-12-1947)
320
281
LETTER
TO
MUNNALAL G. SHAH (30-12-1947)
321
282
LETTER
TO
JIVANJI D. DESAI (30-12-1947)
321
283
LETTER
TO
SHARDA G. CHOKHAWALA (30-12-1947)
322
284
LETTER
TO
CHIMANLAL N. SHAH (30-12-1947)
322
[ XXX ]
285 LETTER TO MORARJI DESAI ( 30 - 12 - 1947 ) 323
286 LETTER TO RAMDAS GANDHI ( 30 - 12 - 1947 ) 323
287 LETTER TO HARSHADRAM ( 30 - 12 - 1947 ) 323
288 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER ( 30 - 12 - 1947 ) 324
289 LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM ( 30 - 12 - 1947 ) 324
290 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER ( 30 - 12 - 1947 ) 325
291 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 30 - 12 - 1947 ) 325
292 TATYASAHEB KELKAR ( 31 - 12 - 1947 ) 328
293 LETTER TO VALLABHRAM ( 31 - 12 - 1947 ) 329
294 LETTER TO SHARDA G. CHOKHAWALA ( 31 - 12 - 1947 ) 330
295 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER ( 31 - 12 - 1947 ) 331
296 A LETTER ( 31 - 12 - 1947 ) 331
297 LETTER TO HOSHIARI ( 31 - 12 - 1947 ) 332
298 LETTER TO BALVANTSINHA ( 31 - 12 - 1947 ) 332
299 TALK WITH SUBHADRA GUPTA AND OTHERS ( 31 - 12 - 1947 ) 333
300 A MESSAGE ( 31 - 12 - 1947 ) 333
301 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 31 - 12 - 1947 ) 334
302 TALK WITH ENGLISH FRIENDS ( 31 - 12 - 1947 ) 336
303 LETTER TO KARL STRUVE ( 1 - 1 - 1948 ) 337
304 LETTER TO PRAGJI K. NAYAK ( 1 - 1 - 1948 ) 338
305 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER ( 1 - 1 - 1948 ) 338
306 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER ( 1 - 1 - 1948 ) 339
307 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER ( 1 - 1 - 1948 ) 339
308 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 1 - 1 - 1948 ) 339
309 A NOTE (After 1 - 1 - 1948 ) 341
310 WANTED ACCURACY ( 2 - 1 - 1948 ) 341
311 LETTER TO D. G. TENDULKAR ( 2 - 1 - 1948 ) 342
312 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER ( 2 - 1 - 1948 ) 343
313 LETTER TO JAISUKHLAL GANDHI ( 2 - 1 - 1948 ) 343
314 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER ( 2 - 1 - 1948 ) 344
315 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 2 - 1 - 1948 ) 345
316 IS IT DESERVED? ( 3 - 1 - 1948 ) 347
317 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER ( 3 - 1 - 1948 ) 348
318 LETTER TO SAVITRI BAJAJ ( 3 - 1 - 1948 ) 348
319 LETTER TO HEMPRABHA DAS GUPTA ( 3 - 1 - 1948 ) 349
320 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER ( 3 - 1 - 1948 ) 349
321 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER ( 3 - 1 - 1948 ) 350
322 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 3 - 1 - 1948 ) 350
323 QUESTION BOX ( 4 - 1 - 1948 ) 352
324 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER ( 4 - 1 - 1948 ) 353
325 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER ( 4 - 1 - 1948 ) 354
326 LETTER TO M. B. GODBOLE ( 4 - 1 - 1948 ) 354
327 LETTER TO RAJA OF AUNDH ( 4 - 1 - 1948 ) 355
[ xxxi ]
328 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 4 - 1 - 1948 ) 355
329 LETTER TO R. R. DIWAKAR ( 4 / 5 - 1 - 1948 ) 359
330 LETTER TO MAHMUD ( 4 / 5 - 1 - 1948 ) 359
331 LETTER TO RAMESHCHANDRA ( 4 / 5 - 1 - 1948 ) 360
332 LETTER TO JIVANJI D. DESAI ( 5 - 1 - 1948 ) 360
333 LETTER TO VIJAYA M. PANCHOLI ( 5 - 1 - 1948 ) 361
334 LETTER TO NRISIMHAPRASAD K. BHATT ( 5 - 1 - 1948 ) 361
335 NOTE TO MUSLIMS ( 5 - 1 - 1948 ) 362
336 NOTE TO SUBHADRA GUPTA ( 5 - 1 - 1948 ) 362
337 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 5 - 1 - 1948 ) 363
338 KHADI CAN REMOVE CLOTH SHORTAGE ( 6 - 1 - 1948 ) 365
339 CERTIFIED AND UNCERTIFIED KHADI ( 6 - 1 - 1948 ) 366
340 HARIJANS IN HOSTELS ( 6 - 1 - 1948 ) 367
341 LETTER TO SITA GANDHI ( 6 - 1 - 1948 ) 368
342 LETTER TO SUSHILA GANDHI ( 6 - 1 - 1948 ) 368
343 LETTER TO MANILAL GANDHI ( 6 - 1 - 1948 ) 369
344 LETTER TO ILA GANDHI ( 6 - 1 - 1948 ) 370
345 LETTER TO ARUN GANDHI ( 6 - 1 - 1948 ) 370
346 LETTER TO ANAND T. HINGORANI ( 6 - 1 - 1948 ) 371
347 LETTER TO MAHADEV A. HINGORANI ( 6 - 1 - 1948 ) 372
348 LETTER TO GANGI A. HINGORANI ( 6 - 1 - 1948 ) 372
349 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 6 - 1 - 1948 ) 373
350 A LETTER ( 7 - 1 - 1948 ) 375
351 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER ( 7 - 1 - 1948 ) 376
352 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER ( 7 - 1 - 1948 ) 376
353 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER ( 7 - 1 - 1948 ) 377
354 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 7 - 1 - 1948 ) 377
355 LETTER TO SHANTA NERULKAR ( 8 - 1 - 1948 ) 380
356 LETTER TO E. W. ARYANAYAKUM ( 8 - 1 - 1948 ) 380
357 LETTER TO AMINA G. QURESHI ( 8 - 1 - 1948 ) 381
358 LETTER TO KRISHNADAS GANDHI ( 8 - 1 - 1948 ) 381
359 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER ( 8 - 1 - 1948 ) 383
360 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER ( 8 - 1 - 1948 ) 384
361 LETTER TO GOVIND BALLABH PANT ( 8 - 1 - 1948 ) 384
362 LETTER TO MANGAL SINGH ( 8 - 1 - 1948 ) 385
363 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 8 - 1 - 1948 ) 385
364 LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI ( 9 - 1 - 1948 ) 388
365 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER ( 9 - 1 - 1948 ) 388
366 LETTER TO AMRITA LAL CHATTERJEE ( 9 - 1 - 1948 ) 389
367 LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM ( 9 - 1 - 1948 ) 389
368 TRIBUTE TO BHAURAO PATIL ( 9 - 1 - 1948 ) 390
369 TALK WITH SAURASHTRA DELEGATION ( 9 - 1 - 1948 ) 390
370 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 9 - 1 - 1948 ) 391
[ xxxii ]
371 LETTER TO VIJAYA M. PANCHOLI (9-1-1948) 394
372 LETTER TO SHARDA H. KOTAK (10-1-1948) 395
373 LETTER TO GANGADHARRAO DESHPANDE (10-1-1948) 395
374 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (10-1-1948) 396
375 “URDU harijan” (11-1-1948) 398
376 HOW DEMOCRACY WORKS (11-1-1948) 399
377 HOW TO INCREASE YIELDS? (11-1-1948) 400
378 A NOTE (11-1-1948) 401
379 LETTER TO PRABHAKAR (11-1-1948) 401
380 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (11-1-1948) 402
381 RACING AND BETTING (12-1-1948) 404
382 THE LATE TOTARAM SANADHYA (12-1-1948) 404
383 LETTER TO KONDA VENKATAPPAYYA (12-1-1983) 405
384 LETTER TO PARTHASARATHY (12-1-1948) 406
385 LETTER TO SHARDA G. CHOKHAWALA (12-1-1948) 406
386 LETTER TO SARAIYA (12-1-1948) 407
387 LETTER TO KEDARNATH SAHNI (12-1-1948) 407
388 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (12-1-1948) 408
389 LETTER TO A PUBLISHER (13-1-1948) 412
390 LETTER TO MANIBEHN PATEL (13-1-1948) 412
391 TALK WITH A SIKH FRIEND (13-1-1948) 413
392 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (13-1-1948) 413
393 NOTE TO MANU GANDHI (13-1-1948) 417
394 NOTE TO BALVANTSINHA (After 13-1-1948) 418
395 TALK WITH A MUSLIM FRIEND (After 13-1-1948) 418
396 TO GUJARATIS (14-1-1948) 419
397 LETTER TO DEVDAS GANDHI (14-1-1948) 420
398 TALK WITH MUSLIMS (14-1-1948) 422
399 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (14-1-1948) 423
400 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (15-1-1948) 426
401 LETTER TO MIRABEHN (16-1-1948) 430
402 TELEGRAM TO ANAND T. HINGORANI (16-1-1948) 431
403 LETTER TO PREMA KANTAK (16-1-1948) 432
404 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (16-1-1948) 435
405 TALK WITH RAJENDRA PRASAD (17-1-1948) 437
406 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (17-1-1948) 438
407 NEITHER ANGER NOR INFATUATION (18-1-1948) 441
408 SPEECH BEFORE BREAKING FAST (18-1-1948) 444
409 MESSAGE TO SIKHS (18-1-1948) 448
410 TALK WITH MUSLIM WOMEN (18-1-1948) 449
411 LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU (18-1-1948) 449
412 TALK WITH MAJ.-GEN. K. M. CARIAPPA (18-1-1948) 450
413 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (18-1-1948) 450
[ xxxiii ]
414
LETTER
TO
NARAHARI D. PARIKH (18-1-1948)
454
415
LETTER
TO
KONDA VENKATAPPAYYA (19-1-1948)
454
416
LETTER
TO
MIRABEHN (19-1-1948)
455
417
LETTER
TO
ABDUL HALIM GAZNAVI (19-1-1948)
455
418
LETTER
TO
MANU MASHRUWALA (19-1-1948)
456
419
LETTER
TO
B. D. KALELKAR (19-1-1948)
456
420
LETTER
TO
MUNNALAL G. SHAH (19-1-1948)
456
421
LETTER
TO
PIROJ WADIA (19-1-1948)
458
422
LETTER
TO
JUGATRAM DAVE (19-1-1948)
458
423
LETTER
TO
DEV PRAKASH NAYYAR (19-1-1948)
459
424
LETTER
TO
ANAND AND GANGI HINGORANI (19-1-1948)
459
425
LETTER
TO
M. S. ANEY (19-1-1948)
460
426
SPEECH
AT
PRAYER MEETING (19-1-1948)
460
427
KASTURBA FORTNIGHT (20-1-1948)
463
428
SPEECH
AT
PRAYER MEETING (20-1-1948)
464
429
LETTER
TO
H. S. SUHRAWARDY (21-1-1948)
467
430
LETTER
TO
C. RAJAGOPALACHARI (21-1-1948)
468
431
LETTER
TO
KHURSHED NAOROJEE (21-1-948)
468
432
LETTER
TO
REPRESENTATIVE, REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA
(21-1-1948)
469
433
TALK WITH
G. D. BIRLA (21-1-1948)
469
434
TALK WITH
SIKH DEPUTATION (21-1-1948)
470
435
SPEECH
AT
PRAYER MEETING (21-1-1948)
472
436
CABLE TO ARUNA ASAF ALI (Before 22-1-1948)
475
437
LETTER
TO
ISMAT IFTIKHAR-UD-DIN (22-1-1948)
475
438
LETTER
TO
DR. CHARLES MOORE (22-1-1948)
476
439
LETTER
TO
AMBASSADOR OF NETHERLANDS (22-1-1948)
476
440
SPEECH
AT
PRAYER MEETING (22-1-1948)
477
441
WORTHY OF REFLECTION (23-1-1948)
479
442
LETTER
TO
MANU GANDHI (23-1-1948)
481
443
FRAGMENT
OF LETTER TO NAWAB OF BAHAWALPUR
(23-1-1948)
482
444
LETTER
TO
KANTI GANDHI (23-1-1948)
483
445
FRAGMENT
OF A LETTER (23-1-1948)
484
446
SPEECH
AT
PRAYER MEETING (23-1-1948)
484
447
HIS majesty’s opposition (24-1-1948)
487
448
LETTER
TO
JAISUKHLAL GANDHI (24-1-1948)
488
449
FRAGMENT
OF A LETTER (24-1-1948)
489
450
SPEECH
AT
PRAYER MEETING (24-1-1948)
490
451
LETTER
TO
AMTUSSALAAM (25-1-1948)
491
452
LETTER
TO
PRABHUDAYAL VIDYARTHI (25-1-1948)
492
453
SPEECH
AT
PRAYER MEETING (25-1-1948)
493
454
SPEECH
AT
PRAYER MEETING (26-1-1948)
495
[ xxxiv ]
455 CONGRESS POSITION ( 27 - 1 - 1948 ) 497
456 HARIJANS AND TEMPLE-ENTRY ( 27 - 1 - 1948 ) 499
457 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER ( 27 - 1 - 1948 ) 500
458 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER ( 27 - 1 - 1948 ) 501
459 SPEEGH AT URS ( 27 - 1 - 1948 ) 501
460 INTERVIEW TO KINGSLEY MARTIN ( 27 - 1 - 1948 ) 502
461 A DISCUSSION ( 27 - 1 - 1948 ) 505
462 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 27 - 1 - 1948 ) 507
463 INTERVIEW TO VINCENT SHEEAN ( 27 / 28 - 1 - 1948 ) 510
464 LETTER TO NARAHARI PARIKH ( 28 - 1 - 1948 ) 512
465 LETTER TO VANAMALA PARIKH ( 28 - 1 - 1948 ) 513
466 LETTER TO LILAVATI ASAR ( 28 - 1 - 1948 ) 513
467 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER ( 28 - 1 - 1948 ) 514
468 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER ( 28 - 1 - 1948 ) 514
469 LETTER TO DR. SYED MAHMUD ( 28 - 1 - 1948 ) 515
470 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 28 - 1 - 1948 ) 515
471 LETTER TO LILAVATI ASAR ( 29 - 1 - 1948 ) 518
472 LETTER TO VIJAYA WALJI SODAWALA ( 29 - 1 - 1948 ) 518
473 LETTER TO KANU GANDHI ( 29 - 1 - 1948 ) 519
474 LETTER TO SANKARAN ( 29 - 1 - 1948 ) 519
475 LETTER TO KISHORELAL MASHRUWALA ( 29 - 1 - 1948 ) 520
476 LETTER TO BALVANTSINHA ( 29 - 1 - 1948 ) 521
477 INTERVIEW TO MARGARET BOURKE-WHITE ( 29 - 1 - 1948 ) 521
478 INTERVIEW TO GENERAL SECRETARY, Y. W. C. A. ( 29 - 1 - 1948 ) 523
479 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING ( 29 - 1 - 1948 ) 523
480 DRAFT CONSTITUTION OF CONGRESS ( 29 - 1 - 1948 ) 526
481 TALK WITH DEVDAS GANDHI ( 29 - 1 - 1948 ) 529
482 LETTER TO ANAND T. HINGORANI ( 30 - 1 - 1948 ) 530
483 TALK WITH PYARELAL ( 30 - 1 - 1948 ) 530
484 TALK WITH PYARELAL ( 30 - 1 - 1948 ) 531
485 TALK WITH SUDHIR GHOSH ( 30 - 1 - 1948 ) 531
486 TALK WITH MUSLIM LEADERS ( 30 - 1 - 1948 ) 532
487 A TALK ( 30 - 1 - 1948 ) 533
488 INTERVIEW TO SINDHI DEPUTATION ( 30 - 1 - 1948 ) 534
489 TALK WITH VALLABHBHAI PATEL ( 30 - 1 - 1948 ) 534
490 REMARKS ON WAY TO PRAYER MEETING ( 30 - 1 - 1948 ) 535
APPENDICES
I A. I. C. C. RESOLUTIONS 537
II EXTRACT FROM LETTER FROM PYARELAL 543
III LETTER FROM KARL STRUVE 544
IV LETTER FROM INDIAN REPRESENTATIVE TO THE 545
SECURITY COUNCIL
v(a) VALLABHBHAI PATEL’s STATEMENT TO THE PRESS 550
[ XXXV ]
v(b) government communique
555
SOURCES
557
CHRONOLOGY
559
INDEX OF TITLES
573
INDEX
577
ERRATA
598
ILLUSTRATIONS
WALKING ALONG WITH TWO AIDS
THE LAST DAY OF THE FAST
ARRIVING AT PRAYER MEETING
frontispiece
facing p. 448
449
WHEN A BLESSING BECOMES A CURSE
In declining to give a blessing I said the following to a
friend:
No one who wants to start a worthy enterprise should ever
wish to have anybody’s blessings, not even of the highest in
the land. A worthy enterprise carries its own blessing. On the
other hand, if an unworthy project receives any blessing from
outside, it becomes, as it should become, a curse. Indeed, I have
come to the conclusion that a blessing from outside interferes
with the even progress of one’s enterprise, because it very often
induces a false hope and turns one away from the industry and
watchfulness required for the success of a cause.
Though I have often said some such thing to many per-
sons, it is best that this considered opinion is reproduced for the
benefit of those who continue to ask for blessings for their enter-
prise. Thus, I have been asked to bless memorials about great
men and I have felt compelled to give much the same answer
as the above.
New Delhi, November 11, 1947
Harijan, 23-11-1947
2. A PSrCHOLOGICAL EXPLANATION
The following is from Mr. Richard B. Gregg, whom many
readers of the Harijan know as an American friend who used to
live in Shantiniketan as also with me in Sabarmati years ago:
Though because of my ignorance I am hesitant, yet I venture to
send you an idea that seems to me not only to explain with perhaps less
moral blame a part of the recent communal violence in India but also
to offer hope for the future.
It seems to me probable that much of this violence is an expression
not so much of inter-communal suspicion and hatred, but rather, and
more deeply and originally, of the long-pent-up resentments of the mas-
ses because of their oppression. The oppression was not only by foreign
political rule but by foreign modern social, economic and financial ways
which are contrary to the ancient habits of dharma which were a very
part of the nature of the masses. By foreign ways I mean such things
90-1
1
2
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
as the English land-holding system, usurious money-lending, heavy taxes
payable not in kind but in money, and other interferences with long-
established village life common to all Indian communities.
Psychological studies have shown clearly that severe frustrations suf-
fered during the childhood of an individual generate resentments which
are suppressed and remain suppressed long after the person who caused
the original frustration had died, but later some occasion pulls a trigger,
as it were, and releases the pent-up energy of the old resentment
which then pours forth in violence upon some perfectly innocent per-
son. This explains many crimes of violence, and perhaps some of the
cruelties against the Jews in Europe. In India the establishment of re-
ligious electorates created a channel into which it was easy for this energy
to flow, but I believe the fearful energy of the explosion of wrath comes
from the older cause I have mentioned. Such an idea as this would
help explain why in all countries all through history a major change of
political power results in more or less violence and disorder. The masses
always suflFer some oppression and, therefore, have resentments which
flare up upon a shift of control or may be exploited by selflsh leaders.
If this surmise is true, it suggests that the suspicion and hatred of
one community towards another is not so deep as now appears. It also
means that as soon as the masses can be guided back into their ancient
ways of life with the chief emphasis on religion and small organizations
— village panchayats and communal family systems — the energy of the
people will be turned from violence into creative channels. I would
expect that khadi work among the refugees might help start such a diver-
sion of energy into sound channels. In such a development I see hope.
Forgive me if this seems to be presumptuous. I write it only in
the hope that an humble outsider, just because he is outside, may see
a gleam of encouragement that is not so easy to see in the dust and
distraction of the struggle. Anyhow, I love you and India.
Though many psychologists have recommended a study of
psychology, I am sorry I have not been able, for want of time,
to study the subject. Mr. Gregg’s letter does not mend matters
for me. It does not fill me with any impelling enthusiasm for
undertaking the study. Mr. Gregg gives an explanation which
mystifies the mind instead of clearing it. “Hope for the future”
I have never lost and never will, because it is embedded in my
undying faith in non-violence. What has, however, clearly hap-
pened in my case is the discovery that in all probability there
is a vital defect in my technique of the working of non-
violence. There was no real appreciation of non-violence in the
thirty years’ struggle against British Raj. Therefore, the peace
the masses maintained during that struggle of a generation with
LETTER TO R. B. GREGG
3
exemplary patience, had not come from within. The pent-up
fury found an outlet when British Raj was gone. It naturally
vented itself in communal violence which was never fully absent
and which was kept under suppression by the British bayonet.
This explanation seems to me to be all-sufhcing and convin-
cing. In it there is no room for failure of any hope. Failure of my
technique of non-violence causes no loss of faith in non-violence
itself. On the contrary, that faith is, if possible, strengthened by
the discovery of a possible flaw in the technique.
New Delhi, November 11, 1947
Harijan, 23-11-1947. Also C.W. 4525
3. LETTER TO R. B. GREGG
November 11, 1947
MY DEAR GOVIND,
I have your lovely letter which I am reproducing in the
columns of Harijan} with such remarks as occur to me. If I
flnish my note on it in time, a copy will accompany this letter.
I am glad Radha^ is “slowly but steadily” improving through
vegetarian dietetics. If she recovers completely, I would like you
to write out your experience of this experiment for the sake of
the general reader of Harijan.
By the way, has vegetarianism a real foothold in America
or is it merely a fad of cranks like you and me? Have the
dietetic reformers found anything which can be described as a
complete substitute for milk? I must confess that I have failed
miserably in that direction and, in the absence of the discovery
of a complete substitute, I have come to the conclusion that
some form of animal fat and animal protein is necessary for
human sustenance in health.
You have yourself written ‘Radhabehn’ instead of mere
‘Radha’. According to Indian custom, between friends ‘Radha-
behn’ is mere ‘Radha’. The omission of the suffix behn, meaning
sister, is a mark of great endearment and intimacy. If you
were writing to a casual acquaintance or an utter stranger, then
you will naturally mention ‘Radha’ by her full name ‘Radha-
behn’. Therefore, I dare not call you ‘Govindbhai’ and ‘Radha’
* Vide the preceding item.
^ Addressee’s wife
4
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
as ‘Radhabehn’. Bhai means brother, but when behn and bhai
are used as suffixes to a name, they have merely an honorific
value.
How are you getting on yourself ? Have you lost all the
physical weakness which you had developed here? Also tell me,
when you write, what you are doing for earning. Or, are you
living on past savings when you were practising as a lawyer?
Love to both of you.
Bapu
Enclosure: 1
Richard B. Gregg, Esq,.
Fuller Memorial Sanatorium
South Attleboro, Mass.
U. S. A.
From a photostat: C. W. 4524
4. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
November 11, 1947
I did get the news that Shamaldas’ showed bravery and
won the battle.^ But today I am not happy about it. Why
should I talk of my happiness and sorrow? To whom shall I
talk? And who will listen today?
I have taken a vow that I shall not step out of Delhi till
I have achieved something or perished. Therefore it is not pos-
sible for me to go to Kathiawar. Kathiawaris have maintained
friendly relations with Muslims through the ages. If they do so
now, it will certainly have an impact on conditions here. See
that Kathiawar’s honour is not sullied. . . J
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^I, p. 256
* Shamaldas Gandhi, son of Gandhiji’s elder brother, Lakshmidas Gandhi
^ The Junagadh State subjects, at a meeting held in Bombay on Sep-
tember 25, had challenged the decision of the Nawab of Junagadh to accede
to Pakistan and set up a provisional government, led by Shamaldas Gandhi,
and to take all necessary steps for Junagadh ’s formal accession to India.
In response to a request from the Dewan of Junagadh, the Indian
troops entered Junagadh city and the Government of India took over its
administration on November 9. Vide also pp. 6-9.
^ Omission as in the source
5. FRAGMENT OF LETTER TO A WOMAN WORKERS
November 11, 1947
What you say is true. But you should have so much love
in your heart that the children themselves would have the urge
to finish their household work early and run to you. The at-
traction should be so intense that the parents will ultimately
allow their children to go to you, realizing that the children
are actually growing wiser. From your very long letter and the
fact that you notice no change in the narrow-mindedness of the
villagers even after two years, I feel that you yourself are to
blame in some way. One should be able to discover one’s
own shortcomings. Moreover, I am of the view that it will be
easier for you to work amongst the less intelligent villagers as
you call them, than with the so-called polite and intelligent
people of the cities. Do give serious thought to this letter. If
it is necessary to change your attitude or style, do so; then your
work will shine forth.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, p. 257
6. EXTRACT EROM A LETTER
November 11, 1947
. . A Who knows, my ahimsa might be tested at the fag
end of my life. A proverb says that ‘a dying flame burns the
brighter before it burns itself out.’ Maybe my end is approaching.
I am fully prepared. Everyone should be prepared. I write all
this to explain to you what passes in my mind as I see the way
things are going, as I see the explosion of violence and the
disappearance of human kindness. Try to understand this if you
can; otherwise just watch whatever unfolds itself.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — p. 257
* The addressee had reported lack of enthusiasm among villagers
regarding education of their children.
^ Omission as in the source
5
7. LETTER TO SAHASRABUDDHE
New Delhi,
November 11, 1947
BHAI SAHASRABUDDHE,
I have your letter. I think that I have not received the
unconditional endorsement by both the parties made on one
document. If this impression is correct, there remains nothing
that I can do. But if my impression is wrong, then I must
not break my word however busy I may be. Yet I would
like to say that you should spare me this responsibility at this
hour. Since I cannot concentrate on any other matter except my
present responsibility, I am afraid my judgement in other mat-
ters might not be as correct as it ought to be.
You must have recovered fully by now.
From a copy of the Hindi : Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy : Pyarelal
8. SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
November 11, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
I told you yesterday that the Provisional Government had
entered the State of Junagadh at the request of its Prime Minis-
ter’ and Deputy Prime Minister^. I was surprised as well as
happy to tell you this because I had not expected that the strug-
gle which was being carried on on behalf of the people of
Junagadh would have such a happy ending.^ I had also expressed
’ Shah Nawaz Bhutto
^ Major Harvey Jones
^ A Press communique issued by the Government of India said : “the
Regional Commissioner of Rajkot was approached ... by Major Harvey Jones
. . . with a letter from the Junagadh Dewan, appealing to the Government
of India to take over the Junagadh administration ... to save the State from
complete administrative break-down . . . pending honourable settlement of
several issues involved in the Junagadh accession.
We have considered this request and with a view to avoiding chaos in
the State and its repercussions have agreed to take over the administration
of Junagadh with immediate effect.”
6
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
7
the fear that if the request of the officials of Junagadh did
not have the sanction from the Qaid-e-Azam Jinnah^, it would
not be proper to feel happy about it right now. Hence, you
would be amazed and distressed to know that the officials of
Pakistan have protested against the Provisional Government as-
suming power on behalf of the people of Junagadh. They have
demanded “withdrawal of Indian troops from the State territory
and relinquishment of the administration to the rightful Govern-
ment and stoppage of violence and invasion of the State by peo-
ple from the Indian Union”. They also say that neither the
Nawab nor the Dewan of Junagadh has any legal authority to
negotiate permanent or provisional settlement with the Indian
Union. According to Pakistan the action of the Government of
India is “a clear violation of the Pakistan territory and a breach
of international law”.
Looking at the Press reports that have appeared yesterday,
I find that there was neither a breach of international law in
this matter, nor any operation by the Union Government to
establish control over the State. As far as I can see, there is no-
thing illegal in the campaign carried on by the Provisional
Government on behalf of the people of Junagadh. It is true
that the Union Government sent military help for the safety of
the whole of Kathiawar at the request of the rulers of Kathia-
war. For that reason, I find nothing illegal in this whole ac-
tion. As against this, whatever the Dewan of Junagadh did by
publicly changing his stand was illegal. I look at the whole
situation like this — the Nawab of Junagadh had no right at all
to accede to Pakistan without the consent of his people, of which
I am told 85% are Hindus.^ The sacred hill of Girnar and
all the temples on it are part of Junagadh. The Hindus have
spent a lot of money on those temples and thousands of pilgrims
go to the Girnar on pilgrimage from all parts of India. In free
India, the whole country belongs to the people. Not even the
smallest portion of it is the private property of the Princes. They
can retain their claim only by becoming trustees of the people
and that is why they would be required to give evidence of
popular support for every action of theirs. True, the Princes have
' Governor-General of Pakistan
^ The Nawab of Junagadh after consenting to accede to India, had
revoked his decision, fled to Pakistan and executed an Instrument of Accession
on September 15 whereby the State was declared to have acceded to Pakistan.
The Government of India refused to accept the accession of Junagadh to
Pakistan in the circumstances in which it was made.
8
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
not yet realized that they are the trustees and representatives of
the people. And it is also true that with the exception of the alert
subjects of some States, the people of all States have not yet
realized themselves as the true rulers of their States. But that
does not diminish the value of the principle I have laid down.
Hence, only the people of a particular State have a legal
right to accede to one of the Unions. If the Provisional Govern-
ment does not represent the people of Junagadh at any stage,
it is merely a group of people who are unjustly occupying seats
of power in the State and it should be driven out by both the
Dominions. If any ruler joins any of the Unions in his personal
capacity, the Dominion cannot stand before the world to justify
his action. From this point of view, I think that the Nawab’s
accession has been baseless from the very beginning till it is
proved that the people of the State have given their consent to
the accession by the Nawab. The dispute as to which Union
Junagadh would finally accede to can be resolved only by taking
public opinion, that is, by referendum. This task should be
properly carried out and should not involve violence or show of
violence. The stand taken by the Government of Pakistan and
now also by the Prime Minister of Junagadh, has created a
strange situation. Who was to decide whether Pakistan was in
the right or the Union Government? One cannot even think
that it can be decided by an appeal to the sword. The only
honourable way is to decide the matter through arbitration. We
can find many impartial individuals in the country itself but, if
the parties concerned cannot agree to arbitration by Indians,
I for one will have no objection to any impartial person from
any part of the world.
Whatever I have said about Junagadh equally applies to
Kashmir' and Hyderabad^. Neither the Maharaja of Kashmir
nor the Nizam of Hyderabad has any authority to accede
' On October 23, some two thousand or more Afridis and other tribes-
men entered the Kashmir State and indulged in loot, arson and murder. In
view of the grave emergency prevailing in the State, Maharaja Harisingh of
the Jammu and Kashmir State appealed to the Indian Union for military help
and signed the Instrument of Accession on October 27.
^ The Nizam wanted “Hyderabad to be an independent sovereign State”
and refused to accede to the Dominion of India. After prolonged discus-
sions between the Government of India and the Nizam, a delegation led by
the Nawab of Chhatari, arrived at a draft standstill agreement on October
22. The Nizam, however, against the advice of his Council, dissolved the
delegation and appointed a new one on October 29. Vide also “Fragment
of A Letter”, 26-11-1947.
LETTER TO MORARJI DESAI
9
to either Union without the consent of his people. As far
as I know, this point was clarified in the case of Kashmir.' If
it had been only the Maharaja who had wanted to accede to
the Indian Union, I could never support such an act. The Union
Government agreed to the accession for the time being because
both the Maharaja and Sheikh Abdullah^, who is the representa-
tive of the people of Jammu and Kashmir, wanted it. Sheikh
Abdullah came forward because he claims to represent not only
the Muslims but the entire masses in Kashmir.
I have heard people talking in whispers that Kashmir could
be divided. Jammu would come to the Hindus and the Muslims
would have Kashmir. I cannot even think of such divided loy-
alty and division of the Indian States into several parts. Hence,
I hope that the whole of India would act sensibly and this ugly
situation would be avoided soon at least for the sake of lakhs of
Indians who have been compelled to become helpless refugees.
[From Hindi]
Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 66-9
9. LETTER TO MORARJI DESAI
November 12, 1947
BHAI MORARjF,
I am dictating this letter to you at 4 in the morning. Dr.
Dinshaw and Jehangir Patel are at present with me. We sat
together and came to the conclusion that Dr. Dinshaw should
earn as much as he needs for his maintenance by charging fees
for the nature-cure treatment he offers outside the Trust'' formed
in Poona. There was a time when we had thought of paying
Dr. Dinshaw his maintenance allowance out of the Trust funds.
* The Government of India, while accepting the accession of Jammu
and Kashmir to India, had “made it clear to the Maharaja that, as soon as
the invaders have been driven from the soil of Kashmir, the people of the
State should decide the question of accession”.
^ Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah (1905-82), President, All-India States’
People’s Conference; President, Jammu and Kashmir National Conference.
After Kashmir’s accession to the Indian Union he was sworn in Head of the
Emergency Administration in Jammu and Kashmir on October 31, 1947.
^ (b. 1896); Minister, Bombay, 1937-39 and 1946-51; Chief Minister of
Bombay, 1952-56; Minister, Union Cabinet, 1956-58, 1958-62; Deputy Prime
Minister, 1967-69; Prime Minister, 1977-79
■' All-India Nature Cure Trust
10
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
But it was something Dr. Dinshaw could not bring himself to
accept. Then it was thought that he should engage himself in
some other occupation and earn enough for his maintenance.
That also is not possible at present. He should therefore accept
fees from the townspeople, offering them treatment in his own
style and practise nature cure as he conceives it. He should do
it either by expanding his own clinic which he runs in Bom-
bay or with the assistance of the hospital unit at Purandar.
From a broader point of view, between the two I would prefer
Bombay to Purandar. Neither institution has a place for nature
cure as I conceive it. It can be practised only with village
background and nowhere but in a village. At the root of it lies
the great question of changing individual life as well as social
life. This Trust therefore must maintain its separate identity. If the
treatment is meant for the townspeople it must have Govern-
ment’s aid, without which nowadays no accommodation can be
had. In Bombay extra floors will be required where Dr. Dinshaw
carries on his practice, or he will have to have another building
to meet his requirements. The point is that you should offer
Dr. Dinshaw the necessary accommodation in Purandar through
a non-government source at a reasonable rent or cost without
bestowing any special favour on him. The main consideration
here could be nothing but service to the public. The rich can
get nature-cure treatment also by paying for it. We can expect
such accommodation for a person whom the Government regards
as suitable. This letter will not be out of place if only the
Government of Bombay could think about it from this point of
view.
We trustees are considering a different plan for the site
that belongs to Jagtap.’ If we expect the Government to do
anything about it I shall write to you some other time.
I cannot say from here how much land will be required
either in Bombay or in Purandar or where it should be. I ought
to have more information as well as understanding, neither of
which I have. Hence only Dr. Dinshaw and Jehangir can dis-
cuss the matter with you. A similar letter for Dr. Dinshaw.
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy : Pyarelal
* Vide pp. 13-4.
10. LETTER TO JEHANGIR PATEL
November 12, 1947
CHI. JEHANGIR,
I have read your letter carefully.
Lack of fertilizers has nothing to do with the poverty of
our soil. There is great divergence of opinion on inorganic ma-
nure. We waste a tremendous quantity of organic manure. It
is all a question of the education of the growers, whether owners
or not.
I have no doubt that food control is an unmixed evil and
it should go.
About alcohol, we must discuss the subject again when we
meet. For the time being do not write anything for publication.
Do return if you can with Dinshaw and we shall discuss
many things.
Love.
Bapu
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
11. ERAGMENT OE A LETTER
November 12, 1947
Today is Diwali day; but the nation has gone bankrupt. . . .'
Let us pray to God that people may see true light. The situa-
tion is tense here. Order cannot be maintained without the
police or the army. Murders and shootings have become com-
mon occurrences. Let us see what I can do.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, p. 262
Omission as in the source
11
12. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
November 12, 1947
Shamaldas has, true to his nature, behaved like a Nawab.
Even this does not please me. But no one need worry whether
I am pleased or displeased; nor should anyone care. Ultimately,
everyone has to rely on his own strength. Therein lies the
true success of democracy.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, p. 262
13. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
November 12, 1947
I appreciate your desire to get your daughter admitted to
the Ashram. Only bear in mind that I am not there. But what
of that? Many others are there. Ashadevi Aryanayakum’ is
there. Kishorelal does not stay there these days. She should
study the complete course under Nayee Talim; also all processes
associated with khadi. She should learn Hindi and Sanskrit
well. If she learns all these subjects with a steady mind, she
will become an expert in my view. And she can teach me
many things if I am still alive at that time.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, p. 262
^ Wife of E. W. Aryanayakum; Joint-Secretary of Hindustani Talimi
Sangh; Editor of Nayee Talim, an organ of the Hindustani Talimi Sangh
12
14. LETTER TO D. B. JAGTAP
November 12, 1947
BHAI JAGTAP,
I had your letter. Your complaint about this letter of Dr.
Dinshaw should be regarded as directed against me. If you
have been at all humiliated it is my fault, although it could
never have been my intention, for the language in Dr. Din-
shaw’s letter is mine. Won’t you please now forget the matter?
Dr. Dinshaw and Jehangir Patel have been here for the last four-
five days. I had long discussions with them. On the basis of
that I am of opinion that if you wish to reject the Trust Deed
you can do so now, you can also remove the Sanatorium. It
will not involve any legal procedure or even arbitration. You
may, if you want, make some addition to the present list of Dr.
Dinshaw or have a talk with him. I can only say that if you
want the Trust to stay you should donate to the Trust the land
which I was occupying and where the patients were being treat-
ed. This should also include the rear portion which was being
used for the labourers. The place is not to be used for pro-
ducing anything but only to be developed in case we have to
accommodate a few people there for the sake of some patients.
The rest of the land should be returned to you. Then it can-
not have the Sanatorium either. It means that apart from the
land and building I have asked for, you will use the portion
which you are now occupying and which is included in the
schedule. When I am free myself from the work here, the other
trustees and I can live on the premises donated to the Trust.
Dinshaw, his wife, mother and such other relatives as can be
accommodated on the premises can live there; the Trust has
recognized their right to reside on the premises. Jehangir says
you have another complaint that Dr. Dinshaw does not at all
intend to let me be your guest. This is not correct. If my
suggestion is accepted, even if I stay in the house donated by
you, I shall still be your guest because, if you wish, arrangements
for goat’s milk, etc., will be made by you. Goats, etc., cannot
be kept on the premises I expect from you. I may say one more
thing, namely, that you are going to lose nothing by your
donation to the Trust. Dr. Dinshaw has invested more than a
13
14
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
lakh in your property. He has also spent a substantial sum on
the construction of bathrooms and a steamhouse, etc., on the
premises I am asking for. If you take all the land these expen-
sive additions will be of no use to you. Now you may do whatever
you think proper. You can have a further talk in this connec-
tion with Dr. Dinshaw and Jehangir.
From a copy of the Hindi : Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy : Pyarelal
15. A LETTER
November 12, 1947
I don’t know how long I shall have to stay here. Take it
that I have to ‘do or die’. I have no middle course.
[From Hindi]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, p. 262
16. TALK WITH MUSLIM STUDENTS
New Delhi,
November 12, 1947
Truly speaking, there should not be too many student or-
ganizations. There should be one students’ body, and differences
of caste and creed should have no place in it. In the present
critical situation the Muslim students and youths, if they make
up their minds, can render great service. You should say, ‘We
are of course Muslims. You may not trust us. Still we entreat
you to trust us for the moment and accept our services.’ If
your hearts are pure and if you would serve India, there can be
no better service than this at the present juncture.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^I, p. 263
17. BROADCAST TO REFUGEES AT KURUKSHETRA CAMP^
November 12, 1947
MY SUFFERING BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
I do not know if it is only you or whether others too are
listening in to me today. ^ This is only my second experience at
the radio. My first was many years ago^ when I was in Lon-
don for the Round Table Conference. Though I am speaking
from the Broadcasting House, I am not interested in such talks.
To suffer with the afflicted and try to relieve their suffering has
been my life’s work. I hope, therefore, that you will accept
this talk in that light.
I was distressed when I heard that over two lakhs of refu-
gees had arrived at Kurukshetra and more were pouring in.
The moment the news came to me, I longed to be with you but
I could not get away at once from Delhi because the Congress
Working Committee meetings were being held and my presence
was required. Seth Ghanshyamdas Birla suggested that I should
broadcast a message to you and hence this talk.
Quite by accident, Gen. Nathusingh who has organized the
Kurukshetra Camp came to see me two days ago and told
me about your sufferings. The Central Government asked the
military to take over the organization of your Camp, not be-
cause they wanted to coerce you in any way, but simply be-
cause the military are used to doing such organization and know
how to do so efficiently.
Those who suffer know their sufferings best of all. Yours
is not an ordinary camp where it is possible for everyone to
know each other. Yours is really a city and your only bond
with your co-refugees is your suffering.
1 was sorry to learn that there is not that co-operation with
authority or with your neighbours that there ought to be in
order to make the Camp a success. I can serve you best by
drawing attention to your shortcomings. That has been my life’s
’ As Gandhiji was escorted to the studio he remarked: “You can regard
me as an almost uncivilized person and tutor me about my talk.” Gandhiji
spoke in Hindustani.
2 The following two sentences are reproduced from The Hindustan Times.
3 On September 13, 1931. Vide Vol. XLVIII, pp. 8-10.
15
16
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
motto, for therein lies true friendship and my service is not
only for you or India; it extends to the world, for I know no
barriers of race or creed. If you can get rid of your failings, you
will benefit not only yourselves but the whole of India.
It pains me to know that many of you are without shel-
ter. This is a real hardship, particularly in the cold weather
which is severe in the Punjab, and it is increasing daily. Your
Government is trying to do everything it can for you. The bur-
den is heaviest, of course, on your Prime Minister^ The Health
Department which is served by RajkumarP and Dr. Jivraj Mehta^
is also working very hard to lighten your sufferings. No other
government could have done better in this crisis. The calamity
is immense and the Government too have its limitations. But
it is up to you to face your sufferings with as much fortitude
and patience as you can summon to your aid and as cheerfully
as you can.
Today is Diwali. But there can be no lighting of chirags^
for you or for anyone. Our Diwali will be best celebrated by
service of you and you will celebrate it by living in your Gamp
as brothers and looking upon everyone as your own. If you
will do that you will come through victorious.
The General told me of all that still needed to be done in
Kurukshetra. He told me that no more refugees should be sent
there. It seems as if there was no proper screening of refugees and
it is hard to understand why they come and are dumped in
various places without proper intimation to the local authority.
In my post-prayer speech last evening I criticized the East
Punjab Government for this state of affairs. I have just had a
letter from one of their ministers to say that the fault is not
theirs but the Central Government is responsible for it.
Now that all governments, whether central or provincial,
belong to the people, it does not befit one to throw the blame
on the other. All must work together for the general good. I tell
you this in order that you may realize your own responsibility also.
You must help in the maintenance of discipline in the Camp.
You must take the sanitation of the place in your hands. I have
*Jawaharlal Nehru
^ Rajkumari Amrit Kaur, Minister for Health in the Union Cabinet
^ Gandhiji’s personal physician; Director-General of Health Services,
Government of India, 1947; Dewan of Baroda, 1948-49; Minister of Public
Works in Bombay, 1952, and later of Finance; Ghief Minister of Gujarat,
1960-63; High Commissioner in London, 1963-66
Earthen lamps
BROADCAST TO REFUGEES AT KURUKSHETRA CAMP
17
known the Punjab well since the Martial Law daysh I know the
good qualities and failings of the Punjabis. One of them, and
that is not confined to the Punjab alone, is the utter lack of
knowledge of social hygiene and sanitation. Therefore it is that I
have often said that we must all become Harijans. If we do, we
shall grow in stature. I ask you, therefore, to help your doctors
and your Camp officials — every one of you, men, women and
even children — to keep Kurukshetra clean.
The next thing I want to ask you to do is to share your
rations. Be content with what you get. Do not take or demand
more than your share. Community kitchens are a thing which
should be cultivated. In this way too you can serve each other.
1 must also draw your attention to the danger of refugees get-
ting accustomed to eating the bread of idleness. They are apt to
think that it is Government’s duty to do everything for them.
Government’s duty is certainly there but that does not mean
that your own duty ceases. You must live for others and not
only for yourselves. Idleness is demoralizing for everyone and it
will certainly not help us successfully to get over this crisis.
A sister from Goa came to see me the other day and I was
delighted to learn from her that many women in your Camp
are anxious to spin. It is good to have the desire to do creative
work which helps. You must all refuse to be a burden on the
State. You must be as sugar is to milk. You will become one
with your surroundings and thus help to share with your Govern-
ment the burden that has fallen on them. All camps should
really be self-supporting but perhaps that may be too high an
ideal to place before you today. All the same I do ask you not
to despise any work but rejoice in doing anything that comes
your way in order to serve and thus make Kurukshetra an ideal
place.
The response to my appeal for warm clothing and quilts and
blankets^ has been very good. People have responded well to the
Sardar’s^ appeal too. Your share of these is also there. But if
you quarrel among yourselves and some take more than their due,
it will not be well with you. Your suffering is grave even now
but wrong action will make it even worse.
Finally, I am not one of those who believe that you who
have left your lands and homes in Pakistan have been uprooted
^ In April-May 1919
2 Vide Vol. LXXXIX, pp. 283-5.
^ Vallabhbhai Patel, Deputy Prime Minister, Minister-in-charge, Home,
States and Information and Broadcasting
90-2
18
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
from there for all time. Nor do I believe that such will be the
case with the thousands of Muslims who have been obliged to leave
India. I for one shall not rest content and will do all that lies in
my power to see that all are reinstated and are ahle to return
with honour and safety from where they have today been driven
out. I shall continue as long as I live to work for this end. The
dead cannot be brought back to life, but we can work for those
who are alive. If we do not do so it will be an eternal blot on
both India and Pakistan and therein will lie ruin for both of us.
Harijan, 23-11-1947. Also The Hindustan Times, 14-11-1947
18. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
November 12, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
Today is Diwali and I congratulate all of you on the occasion.
It is a great day in the Hindu calendar. According to the Vikram
Samvat, New Year begins tomorrow on Thursday’. You must
understand why Diwali is celebrated every year with illuminations.
In the great battle between Rama and Ravana, Rama symbolized
the forces of good and Ravana the forces of evil. Rama con-
quered Ravana and this victory established Ramarajya in India.
But alas! Today there is no Ramarajya in India. So how can
we celebrate Diwali? Only those who have Rama within can
celebrate this victory. For, God alone can illumine our souls and
only that light is real light. The bhajarH that was sung today
emphasizes the poet’s^ desire to see God. Crowds of people go
to see artificial illumination but what we need today is the light
of love in our hearts. We must kindle the light of love within.
Then only would we deserve congratulations. Today thousands are
in acute distress. Can you, everyone of you, lay your hand on
your heart and say that every sufferer, whether Hindu, Sikh or
Muslim, is your own brother or sister? This is the test for you.
Rama and Ravana are symbols of the unending struggle be-
tween the forces of good and evil. True light comes from within.
With what a sad heart has Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru returned
after seeing wounded Kashmiri He was unable to attend the
’ According to the Gujarati calendar
^ “Light thy heart and sweep out from there evil thoughts and anger.”
Vide Vol. XLIV, p. 463, hymn 251.
^ Ranchhod
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
19
Working Committee meeting yesterday and also this afternoon.
He has brought some flowers from Baramula* for me. I always
cherish such gifts of nature. But today loot, arson and bloodshed
have spoiled the beauty of that lovely land. Jawaharlal had been
to Jammu also. There too all is not well.
Sardar Patel had to go to Junagadh at the request of Shri
Shamaldas Gandhi and DhebarbhaP who had sought his advice.
Both Jinnah and Bhutto are angry because they feel that the
Indian Government has deceived them and is pressing Juna-
gadh to accede to the Union.
It is the duty of everyone to banish hatred and suspicion
from his heart in order to establish peace and goodwill in the
country. If you do not feel the presence of God within you and
do not forget your petty internal quarrels, success in Kashmir or
Junagadh would prove futile. Diwali cannot be celebrated till
you bring back all the Muslims who have fled in fear. Pakistan
also would not survive if it does not do likewise with the Hindus
and Sikhs who have run away from there. ^
Tomorrow I shall tell you what I can about the Congress
Working Committee. May you and all India be happy in the
new year which begins on Thursday. May God illumine your
hearts so that you can serve not only each other or India but the
whole world.
[From Hindi]
Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 69-71
' After a brutal attack by the raiders the town was recaptured by
the Indian troops.
^ U. N. Dhebar (1905-77); organized Rajkot Mill Kamdar Mazdoor
Sangh; Minister of Saurashtra, 1948, President, Indian National Congress,
1955-59; Chairman, Scheduled Tribe Areas Commission, 1960; elected to Lok
Sabha, 1962; President of Bharatiya Adim Jati Sangh, 1962-64
^ Gandhiji then referred to his visit to the Broadcasting House.
19. LETTER TO MANIBHAI B. DESAI
New Delhi,
November 12, 1947
CHI. MANIBHAI,
I have your letter of the 5th. I had a long discussion with
Dr. Dinshaw and Jehangir Patel.
I am glad that the inauguration is to be done by Kakasahebb
Tell all the friends at Uruli that I am both happy and sorry
that I shall not be able to attend the function. I am happy be-
cause the work I am doing here is also, according to me, part
of the work that is being done at Uruli; for, the nature cure of
my conception includes treatment of both body and mind. If we
look at the matter from that point of view, curing the people
here of their psychological perversion is bound to have an effect
in Uruli also and would serve as a fine illustration of nature cure.
I am not sorry that Gokhale and Paramanand have left. It
will be enough if Dr. Bhagwat^ stays on. I should be glad if
Dhiru clings to the institution till the end and observes all the
rules, too. But I will be satisfied if at least Balkoba^ and you'^
remain. That is, I should be very pleased even if you alone decide
to dedicate your life to Uruli. By and by you will find other
workers from the local population. I should think it a disgrace
to have to import workers from outside. It would mean failure of
nature cure.
The present heavy burden on you will not last. You should
admit only as many patients as you can easily look after. If you
can persuade some young men there to volunteer their services,
you can train them. You will need a woman worker from outside.
By yourself, you will not be able to attract any woman worker
from among the local people. Let us see what the future brings.
The division into nature cure, village uplift work and Ashram
life seems all right to me. But from the point of view of nature
* D. B. Kalelkar (1885-1981); educationist, litterateur and a close asso-
ciate of Gandhiji; Vice-Chancellor of Gujarat Vidyapith, 1928-36; President,
Hindustani Prachar Sabha
^ Dr. A. K. Bhagwat
^ Balkrishna Bhave, younger brother of Vinoba Bhave
The addressee was manager of the Nature Cure Clinic at Uruli Kanchan
20
LETTER TO MANIBHAI B. DESAI
21
cure the three are indivisible. When you develop nature cure to
its highest potential, it will include village uplift work also.
And I cannot conceive of nature cure for village people which
does not imply the Ashram ideal of life. If you start cultivation
work through the institution itself and with the help of paid
labourers, I think you will have to repent it in the end. But
notwithstanding this view of mine, I shall accept what all of
you decide to do after careful thinking.
Since Bhansali’ sees a flaw in the offer of the donation, I
would prefer to decline it. It seems pointless to me to accept the
thing on a ninety-nine-year lease.
Jehangir told me about everybody.
I have already tried to explain why we should prefer cows
to buffaloes. If Balkrishna cannot collect the required amount,
forget about that scheme. The matter is not worth worrying
about at all. I shall be able to say more after I know the final
outcome.
It would be best, of course, if Premabehn^ undertakes some
work there on behalf of the Kasturba Memorial Fund. But we
can assume no financial liability for such work. You may permit
her to do what she can within the limits of the Kasturba Fund.
Do not entertain any hope of being able to get an expert
on nature cure from outside. Acquire whatever knowledge you
yourself can. If Dhiru stays there, he also should become pro-
ficient in it. He already knows a little.
If you get any nature-cure expert who does not agree to
abide by the Ashram rules, I will not accept him as suitable for
our purpose. I will write to Dr. Bhagwat afterwards, as also
to Balkrishna.
I am dictating this at night. I must not overexert myself
now.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati : C. W. 2723. Courtesy : Manibhai B. Desai
’ Jayakrishna P. Bhansali
^ Prema Kantak, Agent of Kasturba Gandhi National Memorial Trust
Maharashtra
20. NO INCONSISTENCY
A subscriber to the Harijan presents as follows what appears
to him to be a conundrum to which I have sent the following
reply :
The other day you admitted* that you had not seen God face to
face. In the Preface^ to My Experiments with Truth you have stated that
you have seen God in the embodiment of Truth from a far distance.
The two statements appear to be incompatible. Kindly elucidate for
proper understanding.
There is a big gulf between ‘seeing God face to face’ and
‘seeing Him in the embodiment of Truth from a far distance’.
In my opinion the two statements are not only not incompatible
but each explains the other. We see the Himalayas from a very
great distance and when we are on the top we have seen the
Himalayas face to face. Millions can see them from hundreds of
miles away if they are within the range of that seeing distance,
but few having arrived at the top after years of travel see them
face to face. This does not seem to need elucidation in the
columns of the Harijan. Nevertheless, I send your letter and my
reply for publication in the Harijan, lest there may be some like
you who think that there is any inconsistency between the two
statements quoted by you.
November 13, 1947
Harijan, 23-11-1947
1 Vide Vol. LXXXVIII, p. 407.
2 Vide Vol. XXXIX, pp. 1-5.
22
21. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
November 13, 1947
The New Year commences from today. Of course you have
my blessings. But it would seem my blessings have no value
these days. May God grant us new strength and wisdom so that
we may overcome our present madness.
What shall I write about language? My view is clear, namely,
the national language should be such as can be spoken by mil-
lions of our countrymen. But we behave, knowingly or unknow-
ingly, as if it was our birthright to oppose and contest every
issue. As a result, we are able to achieve nothing. Though I do
like to face such difficulties and am able to overcome them also,
have you ever considered how much of our energy and time is
wasted over this? Often a person who raises opposition is consi-
dered to be a leader and, therefore, those who aspire to become
leaders oppose things. But we are what we are and we have to
find a way out of the existing difficulties.
“The path is surrounded by thick darkness; will that arrest
your step?”'
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, p. 270
22. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
November 13, 1947
. . The restoration of peace in Calcutta was due to the
Muslims there and the credit should go to them.^ Suhrawardy
and his co-workers had helped me there. The situation in
Delhi is quite different. Here I don’t find a single responsible
Muslim who can approach the Hindus, if only to die, or whose
' A Bengali song by Rabindranath Tagore
^ Omission as in the source
^ At the instance of Muslim friends Gandhiji had prolonged his stay in
Calcutta in August, 1947. He stayed with H. S. Suhrawardy, the ex-Chief
Minister of Bengal, under a Muslim roof in a disturbed area and they went
round together to establish harmony between the two communities. Vide
also Vol. LXXXIX, p. 116.
23
24
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
word weighs with the Muslims. Maulana Saheb* and the nation-
alist Muslims have also lost this strength. Hence my work here
is much more difhcult than it was in Calcutta. I am doubtful
whether I shall fulfil my vow of doing something here. But my
other vow, that of dying, will certainly be fulfilled. For that I
have not the least worry. May God take from me whatever work
He intends me to do.
If all of you stay there and carry on constructive work, it
will certainly have its impact. We had recognized the need for
constructive work when we were slaves. We will need it many
times more to transform swaraj into surajya^. Let not anyone think
that the 18-point programme^ is of no use now that we have
attained freedom.
Today is the New Year day. May God light our path and
cleanse our impure hearts.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, p. 271
23. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
November 13, 1947
I have your letter. I was very much pained to read it. . .
Where are we going today? What is happening to us? I fail
to understand why we think or say that we should not have a
single Muslim in our country. If that happens, let me tell you
that you will once again be slaves. I intentionally write “you”
because I do not wish to see slavery again. I hope God will take
me away before such a day comes.
Today is our New Year day. May God grant good sense to
all of us and guide us on the right path.
[From Hindi]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^I, pp. 270-1
’ Abul Kalam Azad (1888-1958); President, All-India Khilafat Com-
mittee, 1920; President of Unity Conference (Delhi), 1924; President, Indian
National Congress, 1923 and 1940-46; Minister for Education in the Union
Cabinet
^ Good government
^ For Gandhiji’s booklet on the Constructive Programme, vide Vol.
LXXV, pp. 146-66.
Omission as in the source
24. TALK WITH DAHYABHAI AND TASHODA FATED
New Delhi,
November 13, 1947
I do not wish to be sarcastic but this language slavery has
gone so deep that one begins to wonder. When even Sardar
Vallabhbhai Patel’s daughter-in-law, who, poor thing, certainly
does not know much English, is so obsessed with teaching her
son English words, what am I to say of others? It makes me un-
happy. If mothers could solve this question of language we
could be free of English and develop the national language.
Without doubt English is a very rich and beautiful language.
And if one learns it or teaches it out of love for it I should have
no objection. But thus to impose words on an innocent child
is nothing but an instance of our deep-rooted and incurable
slavery.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, pp. 272-3
25. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
November 13, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
Yesterday was Diwali and today is the New Year. I have
heard and I heard it all the more yesterday that Delhi has great
illuminations on Diwali day which perhaps beat even the illumi-
nations in Bombay. There are magnificent illuminations in
Bombay every year. I was pleased to hear that people had
realized that this is not the time to celebrate Diwali. But the
superstition still persists that there should be at least some lights
on Diwali day. Hence, oil lamps were seen at some places. There
were some electric lights, too, though very few. I do not go out
but I get all the information.
^ They had come to Gandhiji with their little son. On Gandhiji’s
offering him a piece of bread the mother insisted that the child should say
‘thank you’.
25
26
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
The new year begins today. I had already mentioned it
yesterday, but I may as well refer to it again. On New Year
day we make some pious resolutions and by the grace of God
try to follow them all through the year. If we do this, and if
the atmosphere prevailing today changes and the Hindus and
Muslims live together in amity, we shall have a right to cele-
brate the next Diwali with illuminations. We can accomplish
nothing by regarding one another as enemies. That is why I
stressed that this is no occasion for an outward celebration of
Diwali. We should try to illumine our hearts. Rama resides in
our hearts and there is a continuous battle between Rama and
Ravana raging inside us. If, in our hearts and not outside, Ravana
triumphs over Rama, it means that there is no light but dark-
ness in our hearts. If, instead, it is Rama who triumphs over
Ravana, then there is indeed light in our hearts and this entitles
us to have illuminations outside as well. Hence, all is well if the
light outside is the symbol of the light within. Instead, if there is
darkness in our hearts and we have illuminations outside and try
to convince ourselves that everything is fine, we are hypocrites
and liars. I only hope that we are never untruthful.
I told you yesterday that I would say something about the
meetings of Congress Working Committee. There was no
time yesterday because I did not want to take more than fifteen
minutes. Today is the third day of the Congress Working Com-
mittee meeting. It is still in session. One important thing that
I am entitled to tell you is that the members of the Working
Committee and others’ who have been specially invited by Acharya
Kripalani^ have been sitting together in the meetings for the
last three days. It is a good thing that they are unanimously of
the opinion that it has been the policy of the Congress since its
inception, that is, for the last sixty years, that Congress is not an
institution that propagates any particular religion. There are
people of all religions in the Congress or, say, because it belongs to
people of different religions, it does not belong to any one parti-
cular religion. It is an organization of the masses and it has
’ The special invitees to the Congress Working Committee meeting were :
B. G. Kher, Pattabhi Sitaramayya, S. K. Patil, Jayaprakash Narayan, Kamaraj
Nadar, Dr. Saifuddin Kitchlew and Prof. N. G. Ranga.
^J. B. Kripalani (1888-1982); Principal, Gujarat Vidyapith, 1920-27,
General Secretary of the Indian National Congress, 1934-45; its President,
1946-47; Member, Constituent Assembly; started the Krishak Mazdoor Praja
Party which later merged into the Praja Socialist Party; resigned from the
Praja Socialist Party in 1954
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
27
to function only for political goals. It does not remain a religious
body if it functions that way. Supposing one of the policies of
the Congress is to provide food to all the people, to be true to its
name it must provide food for everybody. If the Congress provides
food only to those who are with it or, say, only to the Hindus
and the Sikhs because they are in a majority and allows others
to starve and says that it is not bothered about them, it would
be a religious body superficially but in fact it would become an
irreligious organization. If it advocates service of only those who
are its followers and wants others to be killed, it would not be
dharma, but adharma} in the name of dharma.
If I am a worshipper of Rama and do not worship any god,
the law cannot force me to do so. It is another matter if I act
against my faith or become a coward and say that a particular
man is carrying a sword and that if I do not obey him he would
kill me. But, if I am not a coward, when I am forced to worship
Allah instead of Rama, I should have, and I have, a right to
insist that I would worship only Rama and not Allah. All that
the other person can do is to cut my throat. Let him do so.
Then it is a matter of faith, which we call personal or individual
dharma. There is no power on earth which can destroy one’s
personal dharma. Of course, it can be destroyed when the indi-
vidual himself wants to do it, or when, instead of light, there is
only darkness in one’s heart. In such circumstances, when
he cannot make up his mind he takes help from someone or
just follows the bidding of some other person because he is sur-
rounded by darkness. But the person who is steadfast in his
faith would listen to the command only of God and none else.
Likewise, when an organization functions for the welfare of the
people, only the things which are consistent with dharma apply
to everybody and nothing else. And in this way it embodies
dharma and not adharma. That, in my view, is the true meaning
of politics and the Congress has followed this from the time of
its inception. You should be happy that it is so, whether you
belong to the Congress or not. Even I do not belong to the
Congress. But so what? After all, I have been a Congress
worker and have served it. What does it matter if I do not pay
four annas for membership? I must pay the membership fee of
four annas if I want to be its President. But that is not the
question. If all of you think like me, it is really remarkable. It
is good if you have registered yourselves as Congress members. It
* Contrary to dharma
28
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
is well, too, if you are serving the Congress from outside. I
have been sitting with the Congress Working Committee for the
past three days. There are many differences of opinion in the
Working Committee. The members are human beings after all,
they are not stones. One member says one thing and another
member says something else. There may be differences of opin-
ion, but there should be no contradiction in behaviour. That
is why they spent three days in discussing these differences.
But they are all united about one thing, that is, that the Cong-
ress should continue to be what it has been so far. If in the
process it has to perish, let it perish. Of course it cannot be
completely wiped out, though it can remain in minority. And
I doubt if it is in majority at present. For there should have
been no Pakistan if the Congress were in majority. I can quote
many instances to show how much the Muslims have been op-
pressed in India. But what should I say? You know more than
I do. Have the Hindus and the Sikhs in Pakistan been oppres-
sed less? But let us not talk about it. It is not for us to think
of those things. Should I stop following my religion because
others in the world do not adhere to theirs? That is why the
Congress, whether it is in majority or minority, must adhere to
its original objective. It is framing its resolutions from that
point of view. It wants to present its views in a straightfor-
ward, sincere manner. What can be more straightforward
than that we do not wish to compel a single Muslim to go
away from here? The point is not whether the Muslims are
good or bad. Can we claim that only angels have a right to
live in India, and, if not angels, only good people can remain
here? And, if only the good people can live here, are there no
bad or wicked people among the Hindus and the Sikhs? And
if there are wicked people among them, what would you say to
them? Would you order them to leave and threaten to cut
their throats with a sword if they refused to oblige? You have
no right to consider anybody wicked or to kill him. We have
committed excesses against the Muslims. There may be some
exaggeration in the reports I receive every day. But ultimately
I find that there is truth in those reports. When anything is
done in the name of the Congress, the A. I. C. C. has to be sum-
moned. The plenary session of the Congress is held once a year.
It is like a big show and because there is such a big crowd nobody
can even think clearly. But they know that the A. I. C. C.
carries on its work with due deliberation and so they put
their seal on what it does. Thus the A. I. C. C. is always on
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
29
the alert. It is going to meet the day after tomorrow. It is
the Working Committee which has to place the agenda before
the A. I. C. C. It is subservient to the A. I. C. C. If the Working
Committee does not place the agenda before it, then the A. I. C. C.
can say that they have not functioned well and the members of
the Working Committee have to resign. The A. I. C. C. can form
the Working Committee or terminate it. If the A. I. C. C. does
not accept its proposals or makes great amendments to those
proposals, then also it should resign. That is why the Working
Committee says that it wants to do everything in the name of
the A. I. C. C. If it does anything in its own name, it does not
have the same effect. For, what is the use of 15 individuals
proclaiming that not a single Muslim should be killed? If the
same thing is done in the name of the A. I. C. C., its effect is
much greater. That is why I have been advising the Congress
Working Committee for the past three days that it should cate-
gorically state that this is the only thing it wishes to carry out.
Let us not worry if this pleases the people or displeases them.
If we are true servants of the Congress, then this is the only
thing we have to do. Let the A. I. C. C. brush it aside if it so
wishes. After all we, and also Pakistan, have to stand before
the world. We do many things because we are worried about
what the world may say. I would say that you should do only
what you think is correct. Then the world too would regard it
as correct. It is said that the word of the Panch^ is like the word
of God. The world is like the Punch. That is why what the
world says is divine justice in the true sense.
The Working Committee is in session today. It would be
meeting again tomorrow. It is my prayer that it should place
before the A. I. C. C. such a resolution which would bring victory
to India and everybody would be able to live in peace here.
It does not mean that we should let the traitors do as they
please. But we should not take it for granted that a particular
person is a traitor. If someone is proved to be a traitor, you
may kill him, hang him, shoot him. But if you say that no
Muslim can ever be loyal or that only the Hindus and the Sikhs
have a monopoly of loyalty, then I would say that it would be
a grave thing. I am confident that the Congress would never
do such a thing. You must also pray that through the advice
of the Congress we and the whole country as well as other parts
of the world rise high. The Congress is meant only to raise
^ Elected members of a village panchayat; also, an arbitrator
30
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
the country high. But the Congress does not wish to raise it-
self by depriving anybody of his wealth or other property. The
Congress would die for the sake of the whole world, but would
not kill anyone. This has been the objective of the Congress,
not since I entered it, but for many years. The Congress has
tried to prevent the Europeans who come here from looting the
country, so that people of Asia and Africa could live in peace.
India has to remain alive for this purpose. It is for this that
India has attained her independence and for no other purpose.
[From Hindi]
Prarthana Pravachan— II, pp. 71-7
26. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
Birla House, New Delhi,
November 14, 1947
For the last few days meetings of the Working Committee
have been going on. Its resolutions, I am sure, will be good.
How far they will be put into practice God only knows. My
suggestion is that, in so far as the Congress was intended solely
to achieve swaraj and that purpose has been gained — personally
I do not think that what we have gained is swaraj but at
least it is so in name — this organization should be wound up
and we should put to use all the energies of the country.
In this way we shall be able to do a great deal. For instance,
Jayaprakash' has immense energy. But he does not come
forward because of party considerations. I therefore feel that if
the country can get the benefit of whatever energy each one of
us has, it will prosper.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, p. 278
* Jayaprakash Narayan (1902-79); one of the founders of the All-
India Congress Socialist Party; member, Congress Working Committee, 1936;
leading member of the Socialist Party and the Praja Socialist Party; joined
the Bhoodan and the Sarvodaya movements
27. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
November 14, 1947
. . In no other country are widows insulted as much as
they are in our country. But I place widows in the category
of spiritual riskis. I do not have the least hesitation in advising
you and other sisters to organize yourselves and see that if
widows are not allowed to be present on auspicious occasions,
or if restrictions are imposed on their diet or dress, the same
rules apply to widowers. It is another matter if a wife
voluntarily makes a sacrifice on the death of her husband.
But I have no doubt that the rigidity of social customs and
conventions must be broken.
I am keeping well. I am dictating this letter to Chi. Manu.
I am lying under a covering because it is cold. It is now 5.30
a. m. I snatch a nap while dictating letters. The work in Delhi
is arduous. God will do what He chooses. Why should we
worry over it? However, I think some untoward events are
taking place. I expect you will understand a lot from these few
words. A word is enough for the wise.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, pp. 278-9
* Omission as in the source
31
28. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
November 14, 1947
I have no doubt at all that so long as prominent people
do not propagate Hindustani, it will decline. That means that
our culture will die. It is our misfortune that these days in
our homes father and son and brothers and sisters speak only
English. Not even their own mother tongue! When the ocean
is on fire who can put out the fire?
Tours,
M. K. Gandhi
[From Hindi]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^I, p. 279
29. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
November 14, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
When I was on fast* in the Aga Khan Palace which was
turned into a jail to imprison me, Sarojini Devi^, Mirabehn^ and
MahadevbhaP, this bhajart’ had captured me. Here I do not wish
to go into the causes of the fast.
1 would like to mention only one thing in that connec-
tion, and it is that I survived for 21 days not because of the
amount of water I used to drink, or the orange juice which I
took for some days, or the extraordinary medical care, but be-
cause I had installed in my heart God whom I call Rama. I
was so much attracted by the lines of this bhajan that I in-
structed the persons concerned to send me the correct words by
* From February 10 to March 3, 1943; vide Vol. LXXVII.
2 Sarojini Naidu (1879-1949); poetess and orator; President of the Indian
National Congress in 1925; Governor of U. P., 1947-49
^ Nee Madeleine Slade; joined Gandhiji in 1925
Mahadev Desai (1892-1942); Gandhiji’s private secretary from 1917 till
his death on August 15, 1942
5 4il ^ fldtt 314^ I “I depend solely on my Rama,
all others are of no avail,” a bhajan by Tulsidas
32
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
33
telegram, as I had forgotten those words at the time. I was
very happy when I received the whole bhajan by reply telegram.
The essence of the bhajan is that Ramanama is everything and
other gods count for nothing compared to Him. I am mention-
ing this instructive episode in my life because I want the A. I. C. C.
members to think and deliberate with God in their hearts when
they meet for the important session on Saturday. They will
have to do so because they are representatives of all Congress-
men. Hence, if the leading Congressmen have Satan instead of
God in their hearts they are not true to their salt.
The Working Committee discussed for full three hours the
resolutions to be placed before the A. I. C. C. During the discus-
sion the question arose as to how the Hindu and the Sikh re-
fugees could be honourably and safely sent back to their homes
in West Punjab. They came to the conclusion that the trouble
started from the Pakistan side, but they also realized that when
the wrong was copied on such a large scale and when the Hindus
and the Sikhs resorted to acts of retaliation in East Punjab
and the adjoining areas of the Union, the question of where
the trouble started became insignificant. If the A. I. C. C. could
claim with confidence that so far as the Indian Union was con-
cerned, the days of madness were over and sanity reigned from
one end of the Union to the other, the Committee could also
say that the Dominion of Pakistan would be obliged to call back
the Hindu and Sikh refugees with honour and safety. Such a
situation can be created only when all Hindus and Sikhs install
Rama in their hearts instead of Ravana. For, when you drive
Satan out of your hearts and give up the present madness, every
Muslim child will be able to move about with as much freedom
as a Hindu or a Sikh child. Then, I have no doubt, the
Muslim refugees who have left their homes under duress will
gladly come over and the way will be cleared for the honourable
and safe return of the Hindu and Sikh refugees to Pakistan.
Will my words have an echo in your hearts and will the
A. I. C. C. be able to come to a wise and just conclusion?
[From Hindi]
Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 78-9
90-3
30. MESSAGE TO STUDENTS' PEACE CONEERENCE'-
New Delhi,
[On or before November 15, 1947Y
An auspicious deed needs no blessings, for it is ever blessed.
The Hindustan Times, 16-11-1947
31. LETTER TO MATHURADAS TRIKUMJI
November 15, 1947
I know that I cannot realize Truth if I get impatient.
That in the judgment of the world I may seem to have overcome
my ego is of little consequence. And if that belief is not true,
my realization of ahimsa and truth is imperfect. Then the argu-
ment about the success of ahimsa does not arise at all. Where
ahimsa is perfect, there can be no failure. One must, therefore,
conclude that whenever ahimsa is found to have failed, that
ahimsa cannot be perfect. Who is qualified to pass judgment
as to its success or failure is of course another matter. I
myself cannot see the traces of ego and impatience that may
be lurking within me. Only other people can observe them to
some extent. But God alone sees the whole truth. I should not
give the slightest impression, either, that I rebuke the Hindus
more than the Muslims.
[From Gujarati]
Bapuni Prasadi, p. 221
* & 2 The Conference began at Agra on November 15.
34
32. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
November 15, 1947
I find that God keeps me wide awake these days. How
grateful I am! I often think how blind I was years ago; or
was it that God had deliberately made me blind? If I say
that, however, I think I would be trying to avoid blame in a
subtle way; hence only the first half of the previous sentence
is correct. You are a student of the Vedas and the Shastras
and therefore, I presume, you will understand what I mean.
Recently there was an incident. I have with me two young
girls. They are almost of the same age; but not of equal edu-
cation. One of them, it may be said, was brought up by me at
Aga Khan Palace since her childhood. She is my grand-
daughter. The other . . .* is also a close relation. I have put
Ghi. Manu to various tests in Noakhali. She is younger than
... by one year. It must be said that by now Chi. Manu has
learnt a good many things. But I have not been able to im-
press even the importance of prayer on ... It is more desirable
that we accept her as she is, rather than that I should forcibly
wake her up or make her do things that please me. I there-
fore indulge her. But I have to look into my own heart to
ascertain whether it is awake or sleeping. You must have seen
my speech of yesterday. I do not think it will produce any
effect. When a girl like . . . cannot see the importance of prayer,
how can people understand what I said? God will do what
He pleases. I consider it a good omen that my faith is grow-
ing every day. I hope you take good care of your health.
You have still to do much work. And you must aspire to live
for 150 years. How is nature cure progressing? I must do or
die here. So there is no middle path.
Blessings to all.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^I, pp. 284-5
’ The name has been omitted in the source.
35
33. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
November 15, 1947
. . I must admit that there are differences of opinion
between the two. . . No one can have any objection to mere
differences of opinion. But it is bad when personal relations
become strained on account of that. I am trying to make them
see this. Not that what I say will be of any avail. And
though I know all this, still I have to do or die in Delhi.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — p. 286
34. LETTER TO CHANDRANI
New Delhi,
November 15, 1947
CHI. CHAND,
What a girl you are! Dev^ arrived here only today; he will
leave after two or three days’ stay here. Your mother must
have reached there.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: Chandrani Papers. Courtesy: Gandhi
National Museum and Library
* & ^ Omissions as in the source
3 Dev Prakash Nayyar
36
35. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
November 15, 1947
The more I look within the more I feel that God is with
me. He does not have two hands and two feet. My God is
Formless and Faultless and it is He who is giving me strength.
These days the Working Gommittee meeting is going on and
I am doing some plain speaking with them. We shall perish if
we become cowards, that is, the Congress will die. I have no
doubt about this.
[From Hindi]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, pp. 285-6
36. SPEECH AT A. I. C.C. MEETING
November 15, 1947
I have come in your midst today. I came to Delhi* not
to stay for long, but since my arrival many things have happened
which should not have happened. And so I have had to pro-
long my stay here instead of proceeding to the Punjab. This
explains my presence in your midst today.
I had made a vow to do or die. When the occasion comes
I shall indeed either do or die. I have seen enough to realize
that though not all of us have gone mad, a sufficiently large
number have lost their heads. What is responsible for this wave
of insanity? Whatever the cause, it is obvious to me that if we
do not cure ourselves of this insanity, we shall lose the freedom
we have won. You must understand and recognize the gravity
of the plight we are in. Under the shadow of this impending
misfortune the A. I. C. C. has met today. You have to face very
serious problems and apply your minds to them.
There is the General Body of the Congress which meets once
every year, but it is more or less demonstrative in character. The
real Congress is the All-India Congress Committee, in whose
keeping is the honour of the Congress. It is for you to give a lead
On September 9
37
38
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
to the Congress and to see that it functions eifectively and with-
out any disruption within its ranks. That is why I want you to
be true to the basic character of the Congress and make Hindus
and Muslims one, for which ideal the Congress has worked
for more than sixty years. This ideal still persists. The Congress
had never maintained that it worked for the interest of the
Hindus only. Must we now give up what we have claimed ever
since the Congress was born and sing a different tune ? Congress
is of Indians, of all those who inhabit this land, whether they
are Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Sikhs or Parsis. There have been
Muslims, Christians and Parsis as Presidents of the Congress.
But today we hear a different cry. Let me tell you that what we
hear today is not the voice of the Congress.
You represent the vast ocean of Indian humanity. You will
not allow it to be said that the Congress consists of a handful of
people who rule the country. At least I will not allow it. I am
an Indian to the last. Ever since I returned from South Africa
I have tried to serve the Congress in every way and have done
nothing else. I have tried to understand Indians from different
walks of life, have lived with them, eaten with them and loved
them. I have seen no difference between Harijans and other
Hindus. That is how I am made.
The Congress is held responsible for whatever happens to-
day. The situation has changed since August 15. I am leaving
out of consideration what happened before that date. I do not
wish to hear what part you played in the events that have
happened since August 15. I have not the right to sit here.
I have much work to do outside this hall. That is why I had
requested that I might be allowed to have my say and then take
your leave. You might ask me any questions you like at the
end of my speech, though there ought to be no necessity for such
questions. I wish only to show you a little of the way so that
you might find it easier to carry on your deliberations.
When we were fighting for our freedom, we bore a heavy
responsibility, but today when we have achieved freedom, our
responsibility has grown a hundred-fold. What is happening to-
day? Though it is not true of the whole of India, yet there are
many places today where a Muslim cannot live in security. There
are miscreants who will kill him or throw him out of a running
train for no reason other than that he is a Muslim. There are
several such instances. I will not be satisfied with your saying
that there was no help for it or that you had no part in it. We
cannot absolve ourselves of our responsibility for what has
SPEECH AT A. I. C. C. MEETING
39
happened. I have to fight against this insanity and find out a
cure for it. I know and I confess that I have not yet found it.
In Calcutta I was able to achieve a measure of success.
I was to go to Noakhali. Suhrawardy wanted me to go there.
But I said to him, “How can I go there when there is a fire raging
here?” He replied that it was beyond his capacity to control
the flames, but that I could do so. I did achieve some result in
Calcutta. Peace is a simple thing which has become most diffi-
cult to achieve. Today we are reduced to such a state that not
even an old man or a child feels safe, if he happens to be a
Muslim. Under such circumstances we have met today. I have
enough experience of such misfortunes and if you allow me and
have the patience to hear me, I will say what I have to say.
Then if you feel like it, you may do what I suggest.
Today your President Kripalani desires to hand over the
responsibility of his office to other hands. You should accede to
his request and select a new President. Twice or perhaps more
than twice before this Kripalani had asked to be relieved of his
office. I do not wish to know the reason for his resignation,
though I would wish you to know it. What he has said is true.'
In due course fresh elections for the president[ship] will be held
when the annual session of the Congress meets. It is a matter of
about four months. But even if the difference was only of ten
days, I would still plead with you to relieve him, since he feels
that he is unable to discharge his functions effectively. It is a
law of nature that when a thing is not done well, it is ill done.
You would not wish to have a President in whose hands your
affairs go awry. It is beyond his power to create conditions where
not a single Muslim’s life will be unsafe in India. Those who
say that since it is a matter of four months only, why not let
the status quo continue, do not know what the nation is facing
today. If you realize the seriousness of the situation, it is your
duty to relieve Kripalani. He himself confesses his inability to
keep the reins of the Congress in his hands. When your pilot
* J. B. Kripalani, had said at the A. I. C. C. meeting: “While no one dis-
putes the necessity of a close and harmonious co-operation between the
Government and the Congress Executives, the difficulty is how to achieve it.
The need for this co-operation is recognized in theory but I find it missing
in practice. It may be due to the fact that all of us are not united on
basic policies. Or it may be that this co-operation is lacking because I who
happen to be the President of the organization do not enjoy the confidence
of my colleagues in the Central Cabinet. If that is so, then I should be the
last person to stand in the way of what is necessary in the interest of the
nation.”
40
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
reports to you that he is unable to steer your ship, will you still
say to him, ‘Never mind what happens, but you remain at your
post’? You should therefore forget about the four months and
not worry about constitutional proprieties. What would you do if
an accident happened to me? Law does not recognize accidents.
Think of this also as a natural calamity and be content to accept
his resignation and proceed forthwith to elect a president of
your choice. You should also know that according to practice
the Working Committee retires with the President.
The second point I wish to talk to you about is the Hindu-
Muslim relations to which I have already made a reference. I
am ashamed of what is happening today; such things should never
happen in India. We have to recognize that India does not
belong to Hindus alone, nor does Pakistan to Muslims. I have
always held that if Pakistan belongs to Muslims alone, then it is
a sin which will destroy Islam. Islam has never taught this. It
will never work if Hindus as Hindus claim to be a separate
nation in India and Muslims in Pakistan. The Sikhs too have
now and again talked of a Sikhistan. If we indulge in these
claims, both India and Pakistan will be destroyed, the Congress
will be destroyed and we shall all be destroyed.
I maintain that India belongs both to Hindus and Muslims.
You may blame the Muslim League for what has happened and
say that the two-nation theory is at the root of all this evil and
that it was the Muslim League that sowed the seed of this
poison; nevertheless I say that we would be betraying the Hindu
religion if we did evil because others had done it. Ever since
my childhood I have known that Hinduism teaches us to return
good for evil. The wicked sink under the weight of their own evil.
Must we also sink with them? My own experience of sixty years
has confirmed what Hinduism has taught me and my study of
other religions has revealed the same thing. Islam too says the
same thing. It is the basic creed of the Congress that India is
the home of Muslims no less than of Hindus. I also know that
the Congress has had no hand in what has happened. I do not
need to quote the authority of the Congress Constitution to sup-
port my claim.
It is held by some that if we perpetrate worse atrocities on
Muslims here than what have been perpetrated on Hindus and
Sikhs in Pakistan, it will teach the Muslims in Pakistan a salutary
lesson. They will indeed be taught a lesson, but what will hap-
pen to you in the mean while? You say that you will not allow
Muslims to stay in India, but I hold it to be an impossibility to
SPEECH AT A. I. C. C. MEETING
41
drive away three-and-a-half crores of them to Pakistan. What
crime have they committed? The Muslim League indeed is cul-
pable, but not every Muslim. If you think that they are all traitors
and fifth-columnists, then shoot them down by all means, but to
assume that they are all criminals because they are Muslims is
wrong. If you bully them, beat them, threaten them, what can they
do but run away to Pakistan? After all, life is dear to them. But it
is unworthy of you to treat them so. Thereby you will degrade
the Congress, degrade your religion and degrade the nation.
If you realize this, then it is your duty to recall all those
Muslims who have been obliged to flee to Pakistan. Of course
those of them who believe in Pakistan and wish to seek their
happiness there are welcome to migrate. For them there is no bar.
They will not need military protection to escort them. They go of
their own will and at their own expense. But those who are leaving
today have to be provided with special transport and special
protection. Such unnatural exodus under artificial conditions
must cause us shame. You should declare that those Muslims
who have been obliged to leave their homes and wish to return
are welcome in your midst. You should assure them that they
and their religion will be safe in India. This is your duty, this
is your religion. You must be humane and civilized, irrespective
of what Pakistan does. If you do what is right Pakistan will
sooner or later be obliged to follow suit.
As things are we cannot hold our heads high in the world
today and have to confess that we have been obliged to copy
Pakistan in its misdeeds and have thereby justified its ways.
How can we go on like this? What is happening is a provocation
to war on both sides and must inevitably lead to it. You will then
have to part company with Jawaharlal. And yet it is because of
him that we are held in high esteem in the world today. He is
respected outside India as one of the world’s greatest statesmen.
Many Europeans have told me that the world has not known
such a high-minded statesman. I have known Americans who
hold Jawaharlal in higher esteem than they hold President
Truman. Even those who have fabulous wealth, vast armies and
the atom bomb respect the moral worth of Jawaharlal’s leader-
ship. We in India ought to have due appreciation for it.
I repeat to you that it is your prime duty to treat Muslims as
your brothers, whatever may happen in Pakistan. We will not
return blow for blow but will meet it with silence and restraint.
Restraint will add to your strength. But if you copy what hap-
pens in Pakistan, then on what moral basis will you take your
42
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Stand? What becomes of your non-violence? If you approve of
what has happened, then you must change the very creed and
character of the All-India Congress Committee. This is the
basic issue before you. Until you have faced it, you cannot solve
any of the problems that are before you. When your house is
on fire you must first put out the flames before you can do any-
thing else. That is why I have taken so much of your time. Let
all Muslims who have left their homes and fled to Pakistan come
back here. India is big enough to keep them as well as the Hindu
and Sikh refugees who have fled from Pakistan. What I wish
to emphasize to you is that if you maintain the civilized way,
whatever Pakistan may do now, sooner or later, she will be
obliged by the pressure of world opinion to conform. Then war
will not be necessary and you will not have to empty your
exchequer.
One more point. I understand that a hundred-and-fifty-
thousand Muslims are about to be sent to Pakistan. You will
say, they belong to the criminal tribes who are better sent to
Pakistan. Why should they have to go? If there are criminal
tribes in India, whose fault is it? We are to blame for not
having reformed them. They were here during the British regime.
Was there any talk of deporting them then? It is wrong of us
to send them away because they are “criminal”. Our duty should
be to reform them. How shameful it is for us that we should
force them to trudge three hundred miles on foot! I am against
all such forced exodus.
Another problem that has arisen in the wake of the British
withdrawal from India is the claim on the part of rulers of Indian
States to do as they please. These rulers were kept in power
by the British as henchmen of British imperialism. Some of these
rulers have indeed tried to reform their ways and have adjusted
their claims to the rights of their people. But the same cannot
be said of all of them, though the number of the recalcitrant
ones is very small. Their assertion of independence is as untenable
as their claim to rule as they please is wrong. Because we are
independent it does not mean that each one of us is free to do
as be pleases. Such freedom means the end of all freedom.
I therefore plead with these rulers to seek their good in the
common good. If they do not carry the people with themselves,
they will invite their own doom. I do not wish this to happen.
If the Princes wish to survive, they can do so only as the servants
of their people. If they wish to rule, they can do so only as
trustees of their people’s welfare.
SPEECH AT A. I. C. C. MEETING
43
I claim to be an orthodox sanatanist. I know that my religion
does not advocate untouchability. The mission of the Hindu
Mahasabha is to reform Hindu society, to raise the moral level
of the people. How then can the Sabha advocate the compulsory
evacuation of all Muslims from India, as I am told it does?
I know what some people are saying. ‘The Congress has surrendered
its soul to the Muslims. Gandhi? Let him rave as he will. He is
a wash out. Jawaharlal is no better. As regards Sardar Patel
there is something in him. A portion of him is sound Hindu, but
he too is after all a Congressman.’ Such talk will not help us.
Where is an alternative leadership? Who is there in the Hindu
Mahasabha who can replace Congress leadership? Violent row-
dyism will not save either Hinduism or Sikhism. Such is not
the teaching of Guru Granthsaheb. Christianity does not teach these
ways. Nor has Islam been saved by the sword. I hear many
things about the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. I have heard it
said that the Sangh is at the root of all this mischief. Let us not
forget that public opinion is a far more potent force than a thousand
swords. Hinduism cannot be saved by orgies of murder. You
are now a free people. You have to preserve this freedom. You
can do so if you are humane and brave and ever-vigilant, or else
a day will come when you will rue the folly which made this
lovely prize slip from your hands. I hope such a day will never
come.
You will forgive me for taking so much of your time.
There is yet another point. “Control” is a vicious thing. It is
responsible for much of the corruption that is rampant today.
I am receiving innumerable letters and telegrams that confirm
what I say. If you do not abolish control immediately, you
will one day regret it. It makes people lazy and helpless. Do
away with it. But before you proceed to other business, accept
your President’s resignation. '
A. I. C. C. File No. G. 43/11, 1947-48. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum
and Library
^ The A. I. C. C. accepted the resignation of J. B. Kripalani by their
resolution of November 17. Rajendra Prasad was elected President of the
Congress. According to Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol. II, after the
meeting of the A. I. C. C. Gandhiji said: “I am convinced that no patchwork
treatment can save the Congress. It will only prolong the agony. The
best thing for the Congress would be to dissolve itself before the rot sets
in further. Its voluntary liquidation will brace up and purify the political
climate of the country. But I can see that I can carry nobody with me
in this.”
37. SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
November 15, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
I think you would naturally expect me to convey to you
what I said at the A. I. C. G. meeting in the afternoon. But I do
not feel like repeating what I said. As a matter of fact I had
said the same thing which I have been telling you all these days.
If I am sincerely regarded as the Father of the Nation, it is true
only in the sense that, after my return from South Africa in
1915, I had a big hand in giving the Congress the shape it acquired
later. This means that I exercised a great influence throughout
the country. But today I cannot claim that. I am not worried
about it; at least I should not be. Everyone should do his
duty and leave the result to God. Nothing happens without
the will of God. Our duty is only to make the effort. Hence,
I had gone to attend the A. I. C. C. meeting with the idea that
if I was allowed to address the members before the delibera-
tions started, I would put before them what in my view is
truth.
I want to tell you something about controls. Since I spoke
at length at the A. I. C. C. meeting on the other current topics
of great importance, I could only briefly refer to the subject of
controls.
I feel that continuing the controls is criminal. The policy of
controls might have been good during the War. It may be good
even today for a military nation. But it is harmful for India. I
am sure that there is no scarcity of food or cloth in the country.
The rains have not betrayed us this year. There is enough
cotton in our country and enough people to work on the spinning-
wheels and the looms. Apart from these, there are mills in the
country. That is why I feel that both the controls are bad. We
have also control on petrol, sugar, etc. I do not see any logical
reason why we should have controls on such things. Controls
make people lazy and dependent. Laziness and dependence are
bad for the country at any time. I receive daily complaints
about the controls. I hope that the representatives of the country
would come to a wise decision and would advise the Government
44
LETTER TO PYARELAL
45
to remove the controls that encourage corruption, hypocrisy and
black market.
[From Hindi]
Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 80-1
38. LETTER TO PTARELAL^
[After November 15, 1947Y
I did receive copies of your correspondence with Nazimuddin.
. . I liked the whole of it. Here are replies to your questions:”*
As to his statement on Pakistan, in my opinion, Khwaja
Saheb has overshot the mark. I can understand their objecting
to propaganda in favour of reunion backed by action. But how can
they ban the holding or the propagation even of views contrary
to the Pakistan Government’s present policy, or the cultivation of
public opinion in favour of those views? You should see Khwaja
Saheb personally or write to him to get the issue clarified. No
one may try to coerce the Pakistan Government but surely every-
one has a right to bring home to the Muslims the error of what
has taken place and to convert them to one’s view if possible.
Send me the draft of your letter to Khwaja Saheb before posting.
You have referred to my attitude in regard to the British
Empire. Let me tell you, I derived no little strength from my
implicit loyalty to the British Empire in thought, word and deed.
I am doing exactly the same in regard to Pakistan.
What is happening in Tripura is very wrong. It is naked
coercion. But if the people of Tripura have no grit, if they are
stupid or if the State administration is rotten to the core, what
can one do? I do not think you can do anything in this matter.
. . . Of course, you can help with advice. If by coming into
personal contact with the State officials you could get them to
behave as men, it would be a great thing.
* & ^ This was in reply to Pyarelal’s letter which mentioned the probability
of his going to Delhi “during the next three or four weeks”. The addressee
did not receive the letter at Noakhali and came to know about it only
when he rejoined Gandhiji at Delhi on December 15.
^ Omissions in the letter are as in the source.
The addressee had drawn Gandhiji’s attention to a statement by
Khwaja Nazimuddin, Chief Minister of East Bengal, that even cultivation
of public opinion in favour of a reunion with India would be treated as
treason against the State. For extracts from the addressee’s letter, vide
Appendix II.
46
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
I cannot regard the Noakhali situation as ‘normal’ in any
sense so long as the corruption is not rooted out. Death at a
stroke is better than death by inches.
On the surface there is peace here. But so long as hearts
are not united it is like a castle built upon sand. You are per-
fectly right that so long as things on the top do not come right
here there will be no real improvement there.
The story about that little boy is very touching.’ The
decision about the use of the fine money was very appropriate.
The action taken by the local Muslims does them credit. . . .
I have already written to you that you should come whenever
the situation and your work there permit.
Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol. II, pp. 530-1
39. LETTER TO CHAMPA R. MEHTA
New Delhi,
November 16, 1947
CHI. CHAMPA^,
I have your letter. Whose handwriting is it? I was not
convinced. I smell in the letter the old Champa. If you cannot
stay in the Ashram, how can you stay in any other institution
connected with it? I have written to Aryanayakum^, too, and
asked him. I am in no hurry. I don’t wish to displease you.
Even though you may be my daughter, I will not agree to act
contrary to dharma through you.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a microfilm of the Gujarati: M.M.U./XX
’ Some Muslim urchins in a village in Noakhali had performed a
mock conversion of a Hindu boy forcing him to drink what was supposed
to be cow’s blood. The elder Muslims awarded to the offenders punishment
by caning and a fine of five rupees each to be paid to the aggrieved party.
The latter would not accept the money, saying that only genuine repent-
ance could wipe off the insult to their religion. Later, both parties agreed
to utilize the sum to provide powder milk to Muslim orphans of the locality.
^ Wife of Ratilal Mehta
^ E. W. Aryanayakum, Secretary, Hindustani Talimi Sangh
40. LETTER TO ABBAS
New Delhi,
November 16, 1947
CHI. ABBAS,
I have your letter. Has the rot entered Bhavnagar also?
Whether or no, what can it do to you? Let things be as they
will. You should go ahead with your own work. Your behaviour
at any rate should be faultless.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
41. LETTER TO CHIMANLAL N. SHAH
November 16, 1947
CHI. CHIMANLAL,
Regarding your letter to Sushilabehn the correct view is
that for the present you should be content with as much as
you can achieve with the help of the amount which you have
already received. If the C. P. Government offers some money
and if you feel that you needs must accept it, then Sushilabehn,
Jaju* and the others, not I, can advise you in this regard. I
think you or I could hardly have anything to say about it. As
for me, I would know nothing from this long distance. I should
of course like it if you have a Persian wheel instead of an
engine, but the final decision must rest with Sushilabehn. Since
it is a hospital establishment you are bound to need a lot of
water.
I can offer no solution whatsoever in the case of Chandra-
prakash. I cannot even visualize a complete picture of him.
Hence, if I should guide you in the matter it would be no
more than a pretence. I cannot be said to have given a clear
verdict. I must therefore content myself with letting things take
their own course.
* Shrikrishnadas Jaju, Treasurer of Hindustani Talimi Sangh and Secretary
of A. I. S. A.
47
48
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
It will be a welcome attitude if we give in to his objection,
in case Aryanayakum raises one in the matter of the potter.
I may not understand all his decisions. But that is a different
matter. If the potter could live on his own, if he is a good
person and an expert pot-maker, we ought to accommodate
him, irrespective of Chandraprakash’s presence or otherwise.
If his is a case of leprosy we should put up with it. Moreover,
I understand it is not yet in a contagious form. This simplifies
the problem.
How is the problem of Champa now?
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
42. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
November 16, 1947
I have read your advice. Is it not a fact that though Nara-
sinh Mehta used to sing his bhajans in the midst of Harijans
these bhajans are today chanted in your temples? Hence all
advice is like soap-suds. Soap does produce lather; but this
lather alone does not remove the dirt. Clothes become clean
only when they are rubbed with hands. Similarly, if you wish
to understand the nature of my work, you should delve deeper
into it; otherwise all this is like pebbles inside a dried gourd.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, p. 290
43. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
November 16, 1947
Recently the Working Committee had been meeting here
and I did not have time even to breathe. But it is your duty
to write to me even if I don’t write. Your first duty, however,
is to take complete rest and recover your health. If you have
now lost faith in nature cure, consult a good doctor in Bombay.
If he suggests an operation, have it done. Do write if you
need any help from me.
Yes, what you say is true. The political atmosphere has
become vitiated. But you are forbidden to worry over it until
you are fully recovered. And if the Congress has become
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING 49
rotten, I have no doubt that it is bound to die. Rotten things
cannot last long in the world and if a rotten thing is kept in
some place it emits foul odours. I hope you know this. So
repeat Gurudev’s^ words “It will not do to worry” like a
mantra and get well.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — pp. 290-1
44. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
November 16, 1947
One should admit one’s failings. One who admits his fail-
ings progresses in life. How long will we remain rebels? I feel
you should submit your resignation. I prefer a bad man who
admits his failings to a good one who does not even try to see
his mistakes. We have no right to see the shortcomings of
others. None of us is a perfect stkitaprajna yet.
M. K. Gandhi
[From Hindi]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^I, p. 291
45. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
November 16, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
It is indicated in the bhajan sung this evening that man’s
highest endeavour lies in trying to find God. He cannot be
found in the temples or in the places of worship created by
man. Nor can He be found by observing fasts, etc. God can
be found only through love and that love should be not worldly
but divine. Mirabai who saw God in everything lived in such
love. For her God was all in all.
The ruler of the Rampur State is a Muslim. But that does
not mean that it is a Muslim State. The late Ali Brothers^ had
* Rabindranath Tagore
2 Mahomed Ali and Shaukat Ali
90-4
50
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
taken me there many years ago* and I stayed with them. I had
the pleasure of meeting the then Nawab also, for he was a friend
of the well-known nationalist Muslims of the day, the late Hakim
Ajmal Khan^ and the late Dr. Ansari^. In those days the Hindus
and the Muslims used to live there more peacefully and in greater
harmony than today. But the Hindu friends who came last
Sunday from that place to meet me had an altogether different
tale to tell. They told me that though that State had acceded
to the Indian Union it was still under the insidious influence
of the Muslim League. Had that been the only obstacle, it
could have been easily overcome. But there is also the Hindu
Mahasabha assisted by members of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak
Sangh who wish that all the Muslims should be driven away
from the Indian Union.
The problem is how the Congressmen who are loyal to the
Congress objectives can strengthen their position. Can they
offer satyagraha with any hope of achieving success? They
were happy to know that the A. I. C. C. is firm about the Con-
gress objectives and is opposed to turning India into a country
in which only Hindus could live as masters. The principles and
objectives of the Congress are so broad-based that they include
all the communities of the country. There is no room in it for
narrow communalism. It is one of the oldest political organiza-
tions. Its only objective is service of the people. The Rampur
Congressmen are gaining strength for their struggle by what
is happening at the A. I. C. C. meeting. Even so, those people
were keen to know my views in the matter. I told them that
I was not well acquainted with the situation prevailing there;
so I could not lay down any law and I did not have the time
either to study the situation. But this much I can say with
full confidence that satyagraha is the greatest force in the
world, before which the opposing forces which they had men-
tioned cannot survive for long.
These days it is a fashion to describe any armed opposi-
tion or opposition of any kind as satyagraha. That only harms
* On March 6, 1919
^ (1863-1927); Chief physician to Nawab of Rampur, 1892-1902; Presi-
dent of the Indian National Congress, 1921; First Chancellor of Jamia Mil-
lia Islamia, 1920-27
^ Dr. M. A. Ansari (1880-1936); eminent physician and surgeon; Mem-
ber, Congress Working Committee; General Secretary of Indian National
Congress in 1920, 1922, 1926, 1929, 1931 and 1932; its President in 1927;
Chancellor, Jamia Millia Islamia, 1928-36
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
51
society. Hence, if you understand the true meaning of satya-
graha and realize that the living God, in the form of truth and
love, is with the satyagrahi, then you would not hesitate to
believe that no one can ever succeed against satyagraha. I am
sorry to say what I was constrained to say about the Hindu
Mahasabha and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. I would
be happy to know if I am wrong. I have met the Chief of
the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. I had attended one of the
meetings of that organization.^ Ever since, I have been repri-
manded for having attended its meeting and have received many
letters of complaints about the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh.
Though all of us are engaged in extinguishing the fire of
communalism in the country, we should not forget our fellow-
beings living outside India. You are well aware that the Indian
Delegation^ to the United Nations is fighting for the rights of
the Indians in South Africa with great courage and unity. All
of you know Smt. Vijayalakshmi PandiU. She is the leader of
the Indian Delegation not because she is the sister of Jawahar-
lal Nehru, but because she is able and carries on her work
efficiently. She is accompanied by a good team and they all
speak there with one voice. ^ I was pleased most by the speeches
of Zafrullah Khan® and IsphahanP which appeared in the
* M. S. Golwalkar, known as Guruji
2 Vide Vol. LXXXIX, pp. 193-5.
2 Which consisted of Vijayalakshmi Pandit, M. C. Setalvad, K. M.
Panikkar and Maharaj Singh
(b. 1900); daughter of Motilal Nehru; leader of Indian Delegation to
U.N. O., 1946, 1947 and 1963; Ambassador of India in U. S. S. R., 1947-49,
and the U. S. A., 1949-52; India’s High Commissioner in England, 1954-61;
Governor of Maharashtra, 1962-64
® During the debate at the United Nations Political Committee on
November 15, M. C. Setalvad, protesting against the treatment of Indians
in South Africa said: “Human rights and fundamental freedoms, which this
Committee and Assembly are called upon to vindicate, are not only a mat-
ter of concern to the 250,000 Indians and other Asians settled in South
Africa, they affect millions of human beings all over the world who look to
this organization to protect them against the vicious doctrine of racial supe-
riority and racial arrogance.”
® Mohammad Zafrullah Khan, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Leader
of the Pakistan Delegation to U. N. O., supported the Indian stand and said:
“I do not know the Bible very well but I have been told that the Boers of
South Africa are deeply attached to the Bible. Is the treatment of Indians
in the Union in accordance with the teachings of a Christian civilization?”
2 M. A. H. Isphahani, Pakistan’s Ambassador to the U. S. A., stated
during the debate: “The grievance of Indians is with regard to measures
52
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
newspapers today. At the United Nations, they said in plain
words that Indians in South Africa were not given the same
treatment as the whites. They are being insulted there and
boycotted as if they were outcastes. It is true that the Indians
in South Africa are not poor and hungry. But man cannot live
by bread alone. Money has no value before human rights. And
the South African Government does not give these rights to
Indians there. The Hindus and the Muslims in India do not
have divided views on the problems concerning the Indians
living abroad. This only proves that the two-nation theory is
incorrect. The lesson which I have learnt from it and which
is also the lesson people should learn after my mentioning it
today is that love is the highest thing. If the Hindus and the
Muslims can speak unitedly outside India, they can certainly do
SO here as well, provided there is love in their hearts. Man is
prone to commit mistakes. But he can rectify his mistakes if
he wants to. This too is natural for man. It is always possible
to forgive and forget. If we can do this today and can speak
with one voice here as we do outside, then we would get over
our present troubles. As far as South Africa is concerned, I
hope their government and the whites there would profit by
what is being openly said by distinguished Hindus and Muslims
with one voice.
[From Hindi]
Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 81-4
46. HOW TO GROW MORE FOOD'^
Are your little seedlings coming up well — are those of you, with no
land, growing mustard and cress salads, and improving your health by eating
them? These thoughts pass through my mind. And this big question is also
always there: How many of you are really doing the thing? May God inspire
you with energy and faith.
Here is the promised list^ of vegetables. As it takes up a lot of space,
the hot weather list will be carried over into the next issue of the Harijan.
which entrench upon their own legitimate rights as nationals of the Union
of South Africa and which reduce them to a position of inferiority and sub-
servience to European settlers.”
’ This was the fourth and last of a series of articles on the subject by
Mirabehn.
^ This is not reproduced here.
CONTROLS
53
Mirabehn’s is an apposite question. It will be interesting
to know how many are profiting by her hints. Will such please
send their names to the editor of the Harijan, Ahmedabad?
New Delhi, November 17, 1947
Harijan, 30-11-1947
47. CONTROLS
It is now becoming clear to me that the controls on food-
grain, cloth, etc., are unwarranted. I keep getting letters and
telegrams in support of my view.
As against this there are many who consider themselves
experts on the subject. They write scholarly articles. Many of
them are servants of the old foreign Government. I do not wish to
disregard any of them merely for the sake of doing so. But I
cannot help it if failure to be convinced by their ideas is consider-
ed as disregard for them. Would a person who is getting scorched
in the sun believe a pundit who says that sunshine is not hot and
his feeling scorched is merely an illusion? Such is my condition.
Experts and officials genuinely feel that we do not have
sufficient foodgrain in our country. I not only hold the con-
trary view, but I say that the deficit of foodgrain if any can be
met with a little effort by a large number of people. What can
the Government do if people become lethargic or indulge in
malpractices and as a result suffer death? The Government
should find out ways and means to remove lethargy and take
steps to eradicate malpractices. It should not procure foodgrain
by fair means or foul and encourage malpractice and lethargy.
But I don’t wish to write a treatise here. The people of
Gujarat know how to carry on trade and there are skilled far-
mers there. The soil is fertile and water is available. What
do they think? Is it true that lethargy and malpractice are
behind this scarcity of food? If not, why should there be need
for control in Bombay? Even if lethargy and malpractice are
there, is it not possible to overcome them? Why cannot the
farmers and businessmen of Gujarat or rather the whole of
Bombay province prove that there is no scarcity of food and
cloth and, even if there is, it can be removed immediately?
Gan they not do this much?
New Delhi, November 17, 1947
[From Gujarati]
Harijanbandhu, 23-11-1947
48. LETTER TO LORD LSMAT
November 17, 1947
DEAR LORD ISMAY,
Will 3 p. m. on Wednesday next suit you?’ If you would
prefer any other time, please tell me.
While I shall be glad to welcome you where I am staying
please be sure that I could as easily come to you. You shall
decide.^
Tours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi
GandhijVs Correspondence with the Government, 1944-47, p. 282
49. ERAGMENT OE LETTER TO
ABDUL GHAFFAR KHAN^
November 17, 1947
This"* you can do here with me or otherwise. What that
otherwise can be, I do not know. ... I do not believe as some
do that non-violence can only be offered in a civilized or
partially civilized society. Non-violence admits of no such limit. ^
Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol. II, p. 283
’ The addressee, Chief of the Viceroy’s Personal Staff, had sought an
appointment with Gandhiji.
2 In his letter dated November 18, the addressee confirmed the appoint-
ment with Gandhiji.
^ (b. 1891); popularly known as “Frontier Gandhi”; founder of the
Red Shirt or Khudai Khidmatgar movement; Member, Congress Working
Committee
Several thousand Khudai Khidmatgar workers had been arrested and
convicted without trial. Khan Obeidullah Khan, son of Dr. Khan Saheb,
was arrested on November 14. Their weekly paper Pakhtoon was banned.
These reports were causing concern about the Khan Brothers’ safety.
'’Gandhiji had suggested to the addressee “openly to leave the Frontier
Province and develop the non-violent technique from India”.
^ The addressee, “in reply, sent word to Gandhiji not to worry but just
send him and his associates his blessings and prayers”.
54
50. LETTER TO PRABHUDAS GANDHI
New Delhi,
November 17, 1947
CHI. PRABHUDAS,
I admit it is my failure that I could not write to you in
my own hand. But these days there are a great many instances
of such failure on my part. Strength is limited and work is
heavy. Today is silence-day and I am therefore able to write
this letter, though, to be sure, the shoulder is feeling the strain
now. I am sad that you have fallen ill again. But one must
pay the penalty demanded of the body. You did well in go-
ing to Calcutta again. I hope they will carry out a successful
operation now. Janakibehn' had exactly the same trouble.
As a last resort you have Ramanama. But its success de-
pends on one condition being fulfilled, like the success of any
other experiment. Ramanama has its full effect only when it
proceeds from the heart. The habit of mechanical repetition
must of course be formed in any case. From the lips it may
by and by sink into the heart. That is why we pray aloud. I
expect another letter from you.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 158
51. LETTER TO INDU PAREKH
November 17, 1947
CHI. INDU,
Your letter. I learnt just now that you had a younger
brother^. I don’t remember to have received any letter in that
connection. Why need Father grieve over the event? Illness comes
and goes. But while illness is bad, death is a friend. Surely,
' Widow of Jamnalal Bajaj
^ Madhu Parekh
55
56
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Jayanti' would marry some day, is it not? Would the desire
for marriage spare even a communist? See me when you come.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 6259
52. LETTER TO JIVANJI D. DESAI
November 17, 1947
CHI. JIVANJI^,
I write more in English these days because it is more
convenient to do so. The reason is not that my articles might
reach those also who know English. I feel unhappy that I am
not able to write in Gujarati. The truth is that these days I
get no time to write for Harijan. I do as He bids. I try to
write one article [every week].
The pamphlet regarding constructive work is lying in front
of me. I shall finish it at the earliest opportunity.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 9986. Also C. W. 6960. Gourtesy:
Jivanji D. Desai
53. A LETTER
November 17, 1947
You will find in Harijanbandhu my recent article^ on controls.
I have no doubt in my mind that controls will mean controls
over our minds too, and we shall not be able to taste the sweet
fruit of freedom. Many people argue the case before me; but
when I start asking questions they cannot answer them. I
agree that it would be good if we could provide jobs for the
staff that will be retrenched when controls are removed. I feel
like laughing when these people, motivated by their self-interest
for the time being, argue that a revolt would erupt in India
' Jayanti Parekh, addressee’s brother
^ Manager, Navajivan Press
3 Vide p. 53.
A NOTE
57
if there were no controls. But at the same time I also feel de-
pressed. I would remove controls even at the cost of a revolt.
That has always been my way. I have travelled thus far
through fiery ordeals. And I have limitless faith in God. Don’t
we have a proverb, “He who has provided the teeth will also
provide the food?” There is an element of truth in it. But there
must also be full effort.
I am pulling on somehow. These days we are busy with
the A. I. C. C. meeting. There is great pressure of work. I hardly
have time to breathe. Letters have heaped up. I am all right.
Everything here is quite uncertain at the moment. But God
will certainly show a way out.
I hope all of you are quite well. Blessings to all.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^I, pp. 295-6
54. A NOTE^
November 17, 1947
I find that talk of khadi and village industries does not
interest people any more. Here I am sitting in the capital.
Refugees are lying all round shelterless and shivering. Thou-
sands are pouring in every day. How long will you feed them
without giving them any work? I am sure everyone will remem-
ber this old man one day when it is realized that India has no
alternative except to develop village industries. Any government
formed by any party — Congress, Socialist or Communist — will be
forced to accept this truth. We do not realize this today, but
we shall realize it after we stumble in our attempts to compete
with America or Russia.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, p. 296
’ This was addressed to a member of the All-India Village Industries’
Association.
55. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
November 17, 1947
I feel very sad that we still write to each other in Eng-
lish. When both of us know Hindi quite well, why do we still
write [in English] ? I will not feel that we are independent and
free so long as we do not pay attention to these small little
things. Why need I tell you all this? Or is it that I have be-
come old and senile? So much for today. . . .’ Things are get-
ting worse here. Let us see how God guides us.
Tours,
M. K. Gandhi
[From Hindi]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — p. 296
56. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING^
November 17, 1947
Yesterday I spoke about Rampur and our countrymen in
South Africa. Today I feel I must deal more fully with the
latter subject. I have lived in South Africa for twenty years
from 1893 to 1914 with a break probably of one year. During
that long and formative period of my life I came naturally in
closest contact with all kinds of Indians as also with the white
settlers of that sub-continent almost as big as ours. Between then
and now if South Africa has risen, India has made giant strides.
What seemed to be impossible only the other day has happen-
ed. We need not go into the causes. The fact is that India has
come into the British Commonwealth, i. e., she has exactly the
same status as the Union of South Africa. Should members of
one Dominion be helots in another Dominion? An Asiatic nation
enters the Commonwealth for the first time in its history with
the willing consent of all the members of the Commonwealth.
' Omission as in the source
^ As Gandhiji was observing silence, his written message in Hindustani
was read out.
58
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
59
Mark now the following message that the Administrator Dr.
S. P. Barnard of Orangia sent to the Natal Indian Congress of
Durban five days after the entry of India in the Commonwealth:
As you are celebrating Independence of the new Dominions which
you can consider a great day in the annals of Indian history, I hope
all Indians in South Africa will now emigrate voluntarily to the new
Dominions to act as missionaries of the gospel they have been taught
in South Africa, namely, to live in peace and order and not to fight
in communal riots in which hundreds are being killed in India.
It is worthy of note that Dr. Barnard evidently doubts
whether the entry was a great event. And then he treats the
Natal Indian Congress with the gratuitous advice that the
Indians of South Africa should emigrate to India and become
“missionaries of the gospel they have been taught in South
Africa, namely, to live in peace and order and not to fight in
communal riots”. I very much fear that this message is typical
of the average white man’s mind in the South African Domi-
nion. Hence the series of disabilities on our countrymen for the
crime of being Asiatics and having a coloured pigment. I appeal
to the best western mind of South Africa to revise this anti-
Asiatic and anti-colour prejudice. They have an overwhelming
African population in their midst. They are worse treated in
some respects than the Asiatics. I urge the European settlers to
read the signs of the times. Either this prejudice is wrong
from every point of view or the British people and their fellow-
members of the great Commonwealth have made an unpardonable
mistake in admitting Asiatic countries as members. Burma is
about to get her independence,* Ceylon will presently become a
member of the Commonwealth.^ What does it mean? Member-
ship of the Commonwealth is, I am taught, as good as inde-
pendence, if not superior to it. Responsible men and women of
these independent States need to ponder well as to what they
will do with their independence. Is all this movement towards
multiplying independent States, though proper and healthy in
itself, to result in another war more deadly, if possible, than
the last two, or is it to end, as it should, in the promotion of
universal brotherhood?
* The Burma Independence Bill which was passed by the House of
Commons on November 14, came into force on January 4, 1948.
^ Under the Ceylon Independence Bill, passed by the House of Com-
mons on November 26, Ceylon was to become a self-governing “near-Domi-
nion” within the Commonwealth in February 1948.
60
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
“A man becomes what he thinks,” says an Upanishad mantra^.
Experience of wise men testifies to the truth of the aphorism.
The world will thus become what its wise men think. An idle
thought is no thought. It would be a serious mistake to say
that it (the world) will become as the unthinking multitude act.
They will not think. Like a mob they will follow.^ Indepen-
dence should mean democracy. Democracy demands that every
citizen has the opportunity of receiving wisdom as distinguished
from a knowledge of facts so called. South Africa has many wise
men and women as it has also many able soldiers who are
equally able farmers. It will be a tragedy for the world if they
do not rise superior to their debilitating surroundings and give
a proper lead to their country on this vexed and vexing problem
of white supremacy. Is it not by this time a played-out game?
I must keep you for a moment over the much-debated
question of control. Must the voice of the people be drowned
by the noise of the pundits who claim to know all about the
virtue of controls? Would that our ministers who are drawn
from the people and are of the people listened to the voice of
the people rather than of the controllers of the red-tape which,
they know, did them infinite harm when they were in the
wilderness! The pundits then ruled with a vengeance. Must
they do so even now? Will not the people have any opportu-
nity of committing mistakes and learning by them? Do the
ministers not know that they have the power to resume con-
trol wherever necessary, if decontrol is found to have been
harmful to the people, in any instance out of the samples, by
no means exhaustive, that I am giving below? The list before
me confounds my simple mind. There may be virtue in some of
them. All I contend is that the science, if it is one of controls,
requires a dispassionate examination and then education of the
people in the secret of controls in general or specified controls.
Without examining the merits of the list I have received
I pick out a few out of the samples given to me: Control
* tisn i i qiq^R'l qiqi i s^q :
q^RRT RRllt qiq : qi^iR i rrI <35^15 : 1 qjiRRq g^q 1 e qqjq^TR't rrIr
I qtqigilqfti Rg; q;if i qiqiR f g^fRdg^^ 1
— Brihadaranjakopanishad, 4. 4.5
According as one acts, according as one behaves, so does he become.
The doer of good becomes good, the doer of evil becomes evil. One becomes
virtuous by virtuous action, bad by bad action. Others, however, say that
a person consists of desires. As is his desire, so is his will; as is his will, so
is the deed he does, whatever deed he does, that he attains.
^ This sentence has been translated from Prarthana Pravachan — II.
A LETTER
61
on exchange, investment, capital issues, opening branches of
banks and their investments, insurance investments, all import
and export of every kind of commodity, cereals, sugar, gur, cane,
and syrup, vanaspati, textile, including woollens, power, alcohols,
petrol and kerosene, paper, cement, steel, mica, manganese,
coal, transport, installation of plant, machinery, factories, distri-
bution of cars in certain provinces and tea-plantation.
Harijan, 30-11-1947
57. A LETTER
November 18, 1947
CHI. . . .,’
Chi. Manudi took, or it would be equally true to say, I
gave her, about ten minutes before writing this letter to you.
She read out your letter to me and asked a question. In
answer to that I gave her a long lecture. Has it not become
my profession to lecture people? I would not be surprised if
it only justified the ancient Sanskrit saying “wise in advising
others”. Because today unforeseen events are overtaking us
from all sides, I am fumbling in the dark in search of a way
out. Your letter is certainly inspiring; but I have to do or die
here. If heart unity is not restored in Delhi, I can see flames
raging all over India. And I have no strength, nor the courage
to reach that far. I would much rather spend myself in Delhi.
I must admit that only the intellectuals and political
leaders are responsible for the present distressing atmosphere.
The poor peasants in the villages do not even know that India has
become free. Hence I have not the least hesitation in saying
that we are grossly abusing the intelligence and energy which
God has bestowed upon us. Now you will understand what it
is I am trying to put across or what pain fills my heart. My
prayer today is “one step enough for me”^. I am keeping well
in spite of all that is happening and I hope you are also well.
The fact that one can keep fit physically and mentally, whatever
the circumstances be, is a sign of one’s nearness to God. My
Rama is not a man with two hands and two feet. But if I am
perfectly fit it is due to Rama’s grace. Chi. Manudi is well
trained. But after all she is only a girl, in the playful age of
* The name is omitted in the source.
^ From “Lead Kindly Light” by Cardinal Newman
62
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
16 or 17 — she is almost a child. When I discuss with her or
dictate to her such spiritual subjects, it occurs to me how dense
I was at the age of 18. As compared to that, this girl has deve-
loped quite well. At the same time I am also conscious that I
may be putting too heavy a burden on her tender mind with
my discussions or dictations of such highly pedantic matters. But
she is always very happy and keeps cheerful. Only she does
not take care of herself, because of which I have to scold her
often. These days she has been making notes and summaries of
my interviews with visitors, and she has been doing it quite
well. Of course she shows me all she writes down. While she
is growing in other directions, her physical growth has been
stunted. There is such a rush of visitors and so much writing
work to be done that I am unable to talk to her however much
I may wish to.
Well, today I have dictated a very very long letter. And
now my eyes are also closing. Chi. Manudi will certainly write
about other matters. When I get up after a little rest Rajendra
Babu^ and others will arrive. I hope you are all well.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^I, pp. 304-5
58. TALK WITH RAJENDRA PRASAD
November 18, 1947
I realize that just when you started devoting yourself to agri-
culture you have to give it up.^ But there is no alternative. Either
this institution [Congress] has to be disbanded or if it has to
be kept alive we will need a man of dynamic personality. You
should tour the whole country and if possible go to the villages
also. The people are agitated but nobody is there to listen to
their grievances. We have given innumerable promises in our
* Rajendra Prasad (1884-1963); joined Gandhiji in 1917 during the satya-
graha in Champaran; President of Indian National Congress, 1934 and
1947; Member for Food and Agriculture in the Interim Government; President,
Constituent Assembly; Union Minister for Food and Agriculture; President
of India, 1950-62
^ Rajendra Prasad had resigned as Minister for Food and Agriculture on
his election as President of the Congress, the office of which he took over on
December 22.
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
63
speeches that we shall ensure the welfare of the people. It is
enough that we humbly admit that we are unable to fulfil our
promises, and give them a sympathetic hearing. . . .'
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, pp. 305-6
59. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
November 18, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
You must have read the resolutions^ passed by the All-India
Congress Committee. Some of those resolutions are useful in
our life — in a good part of our life. It may as well be said
that they are useful in the life of every man. They are not the
resolutions merely to be implemented by the Government. For
instance, the resolution on controls is the one which has to be
implemented by Jawaharlal, Rajendra Prasad — now Rajendra
Prasad is out — and also by others. They have to implement the
policy of control on food, cloth and every other thing. We too
have to do the same thing. If we resort to cheating and do not
abide by the law, the result would be disastrous. When we can
do with one yard of cloth, why should we buy ten yards and
try to convince ourselves that no harm will be done if it is
bought and tucked away in the house? If we develop such an
attitude, become self-centred and not think of India we will
turn into rogues.
The resolutions of the All-India Congress Committee are
so important that I wanted to explain them to you one by one.
I am still here, and I shall say something about the resolutions
if I get a chance. But let me at least tell you the substance
today. There is a resolution about bringing back the people
who have left their homes in panic and this resolution applies
to everybody. All of us, from Kanyakumari to Kashmir, belong
to India. What if India has been divided? All of us have to
shoulder the responsibility because we are all brothers. If only
one individual goes on stuffing his belly and does not care for
the poor — if he eats for pleasure — he is stealing and commits
a crime against India. What if India does not possess all the
foodgrain she requires? The poor also should get foodgrain.
* Omission as in the source
2 Vide Appendix I.
64
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
If the rich get just a few chhataks^ and are able to manage
with the same I would consider that the rich and the poor have
become equal. Apart from anyone else, let me talk about the
rich person in whose house I am living. If you ask me whether
Shri Ghanshyamdas manages with his legitimate quota, I would
say he does not. I have got to tell the truth after all. Because
he is a man of means, he is able to procure everything. I do
not know if all those who come here are able to have milk. I
get milk. I do not know how and from where that milk comes.
His idea is to somehow get milk for me, whether he has to
keep one goat or two; and to get the best quality of wheat,
because I am, after all, a Mahatma. He provides for me greens
or fruits, whatever I want. I do not ask him from where he
gets those things. Something must be offered to the members of
the Working Committee when they come to visit me. So, they
are given fruit juice. He owns property worth crores of rupees.
That is the case with the wealthy people. Millionaires can get
all those things. But something can happen only when they de-
prive themselves a little. How else can the poor get things for
themselves? Let the rich and the businessmen not indulge in
profiteering. Let them become honest. They may make profit
but just enough to satisfy their hunger. How wonderful if all of
them would follow the same system about profits! Why should
there be control on food? There is no need at all for it. It
would be good indeed if everyone became like this.
The most important thing is that we cannot rest in peace
till all the refugees go back to their homes. It is madness to
kill the Muslims or drive away those who have run away from
Pakistan in panic leaving their property there. Now the All-
India Congress Committee has issued orders that people have
to be kept wherever they are, and in comfort, and those who
wish to return to their homes have to be sent back. Thousands
of millionaires managed to come away even leaving their
beautiful houses, but the poor are still left behind. I do not
intend speaking about every point today. But the resolution
shows where our duty lies. And that is the most important
thing. If we take it for granted that the Muslims are a worth-
less lot, it is a grave sin. It is the supreme duty of all of us
not to drive away anyone. People have seen the Working Com-
mittee resolution three or four days ago and they have also
seen the indications in the Press. In spite of that the Muslims
' One-sixteenth of a seer
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
65
are running away. People say that the A. I. C. C. accepted this
resolution because of my insistence. They say that the Muslims
should go away, otherwise they would be killed. People ask me if
I would be a witness to the slaughter of Muslims. I have already
said what I would do — I would ‘do or die’. When I am ready to
die, the Muslims too should be ready to die if the need arises.
We have become so heartless that we want them to walk 300
miles in this cold winter. It is said that there are not too
many deaths in the camps — some ten or twenty die every day.
Now, out of five, ten or fifty thousand if so many people die, has
anyone tried to estimate how many people would die in India
at this rate? Should it not be our concern as to how they
die? Some of them do not get food, some have cholera, some
get dysentery, or something else happens to them. But does any-
one bother to know why these people die ? We are worried about
the availability of food and all the other things we need. We
are always on the look-out for settling the Hindus and the Sikhs
in the houses of Muslim evacuees. Of course, the situation is
not the same everywhere. But it is certainly so in many places.
This has pained me very much and I have conveyed my feel-
ings to you many times. Now even the A. I. C. C. has said that
what has happened is highly deplorable. This thing has to be
conveyed to the millions and it cannot be done in one day.
There are great men in the Government — Jawahar, the Sardar,
Rajendra Babu (but Rajendra Babu is not there now) — and how
could [other members] displease them? That is why they agreed
to it. I have heard that now there are even some Congressmen who
think that the Muslims should not live here. They think that
only then can Hinduism prosper. But they do not know that
Hinduism is degenerating day by day. It would be dangerous
if they did not change their attitude. All the members of the
A. I. C. C. are the representatives of India as a whole. If they are
all one at heart, as they should be, then the entire face of India
would change. It is their duty not to allow anything else to
happen. Their primary task is to find out how they can bring
back all those who have fled from here. We would be restless till we
brought back all the Muslims who have gone away from India.
We have to create the necessary climate and that is not difficult.
It is a great thing that there are still 350 million Muslims in
India. Nobody knows how many have gone away and how many
are going to come. Supposing all those who have gone away
came back, it would mean no expenditure for us, for they
would be living in their own houses, since they have their
90-5
66
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
houses here. Our job is only to return their houses to them. But
are all those houses vacant? Refugees have occupied those
houses by force. But they would have to be accommodated in
spite of that. If we act without proper thought and if our hearts
are not clean, outsiders would wonder if the representatives of
India were hypocrites. I think they are not. Those days
are over when we used to be angry with the Muslims and
wanted them to go away. Today we consider them as our
brethren.
I would like to believe that the people of Delhi and Gur-
gaon have become good. When I had been to Panipat recently,
I saw people living in amity. But now I hear that the refugees
have occupied the houses of the Muslims and the Muslims
want to go away to Pakistan. The Muslims might say that
they did not want to go to Pakistan willingly as neither any
delicacies nor good clothes would be available there. And how
could things be otherwise? The people there are in the
same condition as we are here. After all, it is not as if there
were more provisions for them there while they had nothing
here. Those who have gone away write back that it would have
been much better if they had remained in India. Having left
their hearth and home, they are now living in camps and are in
great distress. It is bound to be so. Then, why do the Muslims
of Panipat want to go to Pakistan? If that is so, Panipat is a test
for me and I too may have to go there. Panipat is about 50 miles
from here. It cannot be called a distant place. It is just like
Delhi. Now, even if a single Muslim is forced to go to Pakistan,
it would hurt me and it would hurt you. Of course, when they
stay here, they must get food and clothes from the money they
receive. They are industrious, they earn and subsist on it. How
will they live if they earn money but cannot have food? If
the craftsmen, who have been like brothers, have to leave just
because refugees from the Punjab have come, nothing could be worse
than that. I would tell all the refugees at Panipat that they should
give up the houses of the Muslims and the Muslims too should
say that they would stay there. They should say that they do not
need police for protection and they would live in amity. The
police should only see to the distribution of food and clothes. They
need do nothing more. Then I would say that the A. I. C. C. has
done a good thing and we are all with it. We may not be four-
anna members of the Congress, but we respect the organization.
Let us today also support and follow what this organization, which
has served the country all these days, is with full deliberation
LETTER TO MUNNALAL G. SHAH
67
saying in these adverse circumstances. That is all I would like to
say for the day.
[From Hindi]
Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 88-93
60. LETTER TO MUNNALAL G. SHAH
New Delhi,
November 19, 1947
chi. MUNNALAL,
I had your letter. You may wind up the construction work
with the consent of all, but certainly not before receiving such
consent. The difficulties which you notice are psychological and
bespeak a subtle form of egoism. Financial arrangements have
already been made for the construction work. But in any case
how does it concern you? You have nothing to do with that.
You will have done your part when you complete the task as-
signed to you.
Decide about where to stay only after Kanchan' returns.
The decision will have to be approved by her. You should do
nothing against her wishes.
I am surprised that you can think of leaving Sevagram.
For some, Sevagram is their very body. That means that
leaving Sevagram is committing suicide. And suicide is forbidden
in all circumstances. If you yourself are good others at Seva-
gram will also be good. Sevagram is not something apart from
you. People are afraid of you and, therefore, avoid asking
you to do anything. If you become steady in your mind, it will
be easier for others to ask for your help. I ask you to do
things because both Kanchan and you put trust in me. That
trust must not be forced. If that trust is lost, you would have
no justification for writing to me and I for offering you any
advice. May all three of you keep well and live a good life.
I suppose you understand that such a wish can be expressed
for a child.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C. W. 7224. Courtesy: Munnalal G.
Shah
' Addressee’s wife
61. LETTER TO RANCH AN M. SHAH
New Delhi,
November 19, 1947
CHI. KANCHAN,
I have your letter. I see that you have still not learnt to
write letters. My cart is jogging along, but it seems to have got
stuck here just now. I don’t see any chance of my going over
to that side in the immediate future.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C. W. 6976. Courtesy: Munnalal G.
Shah
62. ERAGMENT OE A LETTER
November 19, 1947
Don’t you know that these days I have stopped sending mes-
sages? I have only one preoccupation: ‘Do or Die’. I shall think
of other activities only when I have accomplished either of the
two. The situation here is getting worse every day. It is not a
question of Hindu-Muslim riots only. The rancour within has
now come out in the open, and it would not be wrong to say
that the present delicate situation is a reflection of it.
I have digressed to other matters. But you may take it that
my blessings go with any good work. So think of God and get
on with the work.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, p. 311
68
63. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
November 19, 1947
We should be agreed on some matters at least, or should
we not? Even as regards language we have raised such a storm
that one might think a rebellion had broken out. The matter is
simple. Our language should be that which the millions of vil-
lagers in India can understand and read with ease. If I had my
way, I would give the same place to language as has been given
to khadi in the Congress Constitution. I would allow only those
who knew Hindustani to become members of the Congress. We
should now have no resolutions in English. How many persons
understand English in a mass meeting? But mine is like a pipe
of carrot' and I continue to blow it whether or not it produces
any sound.
The problem of States will be solved easily in most cases.
Among the Kathiawar States, the attitude of Bhavnagar appears
very sound, although there have been no negotiations directly
with the Raja yet. I believe that his response will be good.
Many of his men come here for discussion.
I am keeping well by God’s grace. I have no doubt that we
shall suffer if we neglect khadi. The Congress will not survive
in a democracy if it abandons any one of the constructive
activities. No party which does so will survive. The reason is
that when you are there at the helm of affairs, you have been
entrusted with power by the people in the hope that you will
strive to relieve their misery. If we do not make such efforts and
neglect those which have already been initiated, what fate will be
in store for us? In the end, may God grant good sense to all.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^I, pp. 311-2
* A Gujarati saying
69
64. LETTER TO M. A. HUJVAR
{^November 19, 1947y
CHI. HUNAR,
I have your letter. Now there is no need to go to Ahmed-
abad. I understand what you say about language. The question
of staying at Patna also does not arise now. I would therefore
like you to go to SundarlaP rather than elsewhere. I have dis-
cussed the matter with him. He will arrange for your maintenance.
Consult him and do what he suggests.
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
65. LETTER TO RATANDEVI
[^November 19, 1947Y
CHI. RATAN,
I got your beautiful letter. Have I not written at length on
the subject of blessings ?“*
I do have a keen desire to visit Vanasthali. But does not its
fulfilment depend only on God?
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
* In the source the letter is placed among those of this date.
^ (1886-1981); nationalist leader and a prolific writer; member of the
Congress Working Committee, 1930-31; started a number of magazines
including Karmayogi; wrote Bharatmen Angrezi Raj and a comparative study
of the Gita and the Koran; President of the All India Peace Council; Founder-
President of the India-China Friendship Association
3 In the source the letter is placed among those of this date.
Vide p. 1.
70
66. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
November 19, 1947
Truth and ahimsa had been the weapons for achieving swaraj.
Today we have forgotten both. Actually it was my fault that
I believed that people had truth and ahimsa in them. But I was
mistaken. Anyway I consider it my good luck that God has at
last opened my eyes. And I regard it as God’s grace that even
if I can do nothing else at least I shall now be able to do or die.
I do not wish now to live for 125 years. I would either like to
die bravely taking the name of God or, if Hindus and Muslims
became sincere friends, would tour the whole of India and then
go to Pakistan.
How are you? How is Behn? Write about everything.
The boarding-house must be functioning well. Tell all your
students that I would very much like to go and stay amongst
students because I am myself a student. Most of our problems
are solved automatically if one remains a student or a humble
person throughout one’s life. But today I am confined here.
Let all the students be united and forget that they are Hindus,
Muslims, Banias or Brahmins. I think that if they realize that
they are all Indians, my presence there will not make much
difference.
[From Hindi]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, pp. 312-3
67. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
November 19, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
Last evening I referred to the main Resolution on Hindu-
Muslim relations passed by the A. I. C. C. But unfortunately
today itself I have to cite an instance to show how that Reso-
lution is being rendered futile in Delhi. I had never imagined
that on the very evening when I was expressing my doubt
about the behaviour of the public, that doubt would be proved
right in the heart of old Delhi. I was told last night that
a large crowd of Hindus and Sikhs had gathered in front of a
71
72
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Muslim’s shop in Chandni Chowk. Though the shop belonged
to a Muslim, the owner had abandoned it and gone away.
The shop had been given to a refugee on condition that he would
give it up when the owner returned. Fortunately, the owner of
the shop has returned. He did not want to give up his business
for good. The officer in charge of the allotment came to the
refugee and asked him to vacate the shop. The refugee hesitated
at first, but then agreed to vacate it when the owner came
to take possession in the evening. When the officer went
again in the evening he found that instead of vacating the
shop the occupant had informed his friends who had collected
there to overawe whoever [forced them] to vacate it. The few
constables at Chandni Chowk could not control the crowd,
and they sent for more help. The police or, may be, military
arrived and fired in the air. The crowd dispersed in panic, but
a pedestrian was stabbed in the bargain. Fortunately the wound
did not prove to be fatal. But this demonstration of the
trouble-makers had a strange result. That shop was not vacated.
I do not know if the order of that officer was defied or the
shop has ultimately been vacated. Nevertheless, I do hope that
the Government will not fail to punish the culprit if it has to
retain its true authority under our precious freedom. Otherwise,
the Government will have no authority at all. I am told that the
crowd of Hindus and Sikhs was not less than two thousand.
I have understated the news that was given to me. If there
is room for correction and if it is brought to my notice I will
gladly let you know about it.
This is not the only thing. In other parts of Delhi, too,
attempts are being made to drive the Muslims out of their
houses, so that the Hindu and the Sikh refugees could be
accommodated there. The Sikhs go about brandishing their
swords and threaten the Muslims with dire consequences if they
refuse to give up their houses. I am also told that the Sikhs
drink liquor, the consequences of which can be well imagined.
They dance about with their naked swords and scare away the
pedestrians. I am also informed that according to custom
Muslims do not sell kababs^ and other meat preparations in
Chandni Chowk and nearby areas. But the Sikhs and perhaps
other refugees, too, freely sell these forbidden things there. This
hurts the feelings of the Hindus in that locality. The nuisance
has grown to such an extent that people cannot easily pass
' Meat cutlets
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
73
through the crowded Chandni Chowk. They are afraid of being
insulted. I appeal to my refugee friends that they should not
indulge in such things for their own sake and for the sake of
the country.
As for the kirpans, the Sikhs have been forbidden by law to
carry kirpans larger than the prescribed size. While this law is
in force, many Sikh friends come to me with a request that I
should try to have this restriction withdrawn. They told me
about the judgement passed by the Privy Council several
years ago which permitted the Sikhs to carry kirpans of any
size. I have not read that judgement. I think the judges have
interpreted kirpan to mean sword of any size. The then Punjab
Government, in order to carry out the Privy Council’s decision,
declared that everyone was free to keep a sword. That is why
in the Punjab men carry swords of any size they choose.
I have no sympathy with the Punjab Government or the
Sikhs in this matter. Some Sikh friends have brought to my
notice certain portions from the Granfhsakeb which support my
view that the kirpan is not a weapon to be used to attack the inno-
cent. Only the Sikhs abiding by the tenets of the Granfhsakeb
can use the kirpan for the protection of innocent women, children
and old and helpless people. That is the reason why one Sikh
is regarded equal to one-and-a-quarter lakh opponents. That is
why any Sikh who takes intoxicants, who gambles, or is prey to
other vices, has no right to keep a kirpan which is a symbol of
purity and restraint and which is to be used only on particular
occasions in a prescribed manner.
In my view, it is not only futile but also harmful to seek the
help of the now defunct judgement of the Privy Council to justify
the indiscriminate use of the kirpan. We have just freed ourselves
from foreign rule. It is highly improper to do away with all
necessary restrictions in our state of freedom, because, without
those restrictions, society cannot make progress. Hence, I would
tell my Sikh friends that they should not bring the great Sikh
religion into disrepute by using the kirpan for doubtful purposes.
Let them not destroy a religion which has been shaped by a
number of martyrs in whose martyrdom the world takes great
pride.
I wish to draw your attention to another thing. I have
been informed about a refugee camp where the army has been
accused of rude behaviour. The entire life of the camp should
be a model from the point of view of inner and outer cleanliness.
To preserve such cleanliness [the police and the army] should vie
74
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
with each other. Hence I hope that the information I have re-
ceived does not apply to these protectors of law and order, and that
it is only an exception. The army and the police should be
the first to experience the glow and excitement of freedom. Let
not the people get a chance to say that good behaviour can
be expected of them only under strict discipline imposed on them
from above. They have to establish through correct beha-
viour that they too can become good and ideal citizens of India.
If these protectors of law disregard law itself, it would be
difficult to carry on administration at all. And it would be all
the more difficult to implement the Resolutions of the All-India
Congress Committee.
After presenting the gloomy side of the picture, I would
now like to present the bright side also. I have just heard an
eye-witness account of great valour which I am going to nar-
rate to you.
Mir Maqbool Sherwani was a young brave leader of the
National Conference at Baramula. He had just entered his thir-
tieth year. On learning that he was an important leader of the
National Conference the invaders tied him to two poles near
the Nishat Talkies. They first beat him up and then told him
that he should give up the National Conference and its leader
Sheikh Abdullah, the lion of Kashmir. They told Sherwani
that he should swear loyalty to the Provisional Government of
Azad Kashmir which had its headquarters at Palundry.
Sherwani refused to give up the National Conference under
pressure. He made it clear to the assailants that the Sheikh
was the head of the Kashmir Government, that the Indian army
had already reached Kashmir and, before long, would repel the
assailants.
On hearing this, the assailants were enraged and were in
panic. They riddled his body with fourteen bullets. They cut
his nose and disfigured his face and pasted a notice on his
body: “This man is a traitor. His name is Sherwani. All
traitors would be treated in the same way.”
But within 48 hours of this ruthless murder and blood-
shed, Sherwani’ s prophecy came true. The invaders fled from
Baramula in panic and the Indian army chased them away.
Anybody, whether Hindu, Sikh, Muslim or anyone else,
would be proud of such martyrdom.
A friend of mine has related an instance of a proud mo-
ment whose lustre would not fade even in the most painful si-
tuation and an instance of friendship which proves its worth in
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
75
the moment of greatest trial. It is the story of Narayan Singh, a
Sikh ex-officer. He has lost enormous property in West Punjab.
Now he is in Delhi. He has nothing left, which means that he
would be compelled to beg or to let death claim him. He met
an old friend who he did not want to suffer on his account
because he was not bothered by his own misfortune. The Sikh
officer was very happy to meet Ali Shah, his old friend and
colleague. Ali Shah too has lost his entire property, but not
because of communal frenzy but because of some other misfortune.
He too is a courageous man like Narayan Singh and both of
them are proud of their friendship. When they met after a
separation of twenty-five years, they were so happy that they
forgot their misfortune.
[From Hindi]
Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 93-8
68. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
November 20, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
I have received two notes from the same person. In one
note he says that he has given up his job and wishes to work
under me. In the second note he expresses his desire to sing
a bhajan at the prayer. As for his first wish, I can’t help say-
ing that it was a mistake to have given up his job. It is true that
during the British days I had exhorted people to give up their
jobs and non-co-operate with the Government. But that is not
the case now. Anyone who wishes to serve his country can do
so while carrying on with his job. If every wage-earner does
his job honestly and without indulging in any kind of violence,
he is no doubt serving the country. The writer of the note
should realize that I have no work to offer him. If he wants
to render service, he must do something for the goshala about
which I am going to talk presently.
As for singing bhajan at the prayer, it is not that everyone
can be allowed to sing. Only people known to be servants of
God can do so with prior permission.
I was happy to find the camp' admirably clean. There are
dharmashalas at various places for the pilgrims who come there
* The Okhla camp which Gandhiji had visited in the afternoon along
with Sucheta Kripalani and others
76
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
during the fairs. These fairs are organized there periodically. At
present these dharmashalas are being used for the refugees. There
is some difficulty about water supply, which the officials are
trying to remedy. I have no doubt that if water supply can be
guaranteed, many more refugees can be accommodated there.
Now that I am talking about the refugees, I shall speak
about their shortcomings to which my attention has been
drawn. I am told that the refugees are indulging in black
market among themselves. The officers who are in charge of
looking after the refugees are themselves, I am told, at fault.
I learn that it is impossible to find a place in the camps
without bribing the officers who are in charge of the camps.
As regards other things also, their behaviour is not above
reproach. True, all officers cannot be guilty, but the entire ship
can sink because of one sinner.
Then I am told that the refugees also indulge in petty
thieving. I expect from them honest and straightforward behaviour.
I am told that some of the quilts provided to the refugees to
protect them against cold are torn up, the cotton thrown away
and the chintz cover is used for making shirts, etc. I have been
told of many such things, but I do not wish to waste your time
by narrating all the misdeeds of the refugees. I wish promptly to
come to the topic of the evening.
In a locality called Kishanganj in Delhi a goshala is having
its annual function. Acharya Kripalani is going to preside over
that function tomorrow and I am being pressed to attend the
function at least for ten minutes. I felt that I should not
attend any function just for show. I cannot do or see anything
in ten minutes. Moreover, I am so much involved in these
communal problems that I have no time to attend to other
things. Hence, I expressed my helplessness and, realizing my
difficulty, the organizers excused me. They told me that they
would be satisfied if I would say something about goseva — espe-
cially about goshalas, during the prayer meeting. I readily agreed
to do so. I have stated in plain words that the task of preserva-
tion and increasing the cattle wealth of India and taking proper
care of the cow and calf is much more difficult than attaining
political freedom.' I claim that I am working with faith and
devotion in this field. I also claim that I have true knowledge
of how the cow can be saved. However, I do admit that so
far I have not exercised any influence on the public which
' Vide Vol. LXXXIX, pp. 73-4.
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
77
may lead them to give to the problem the attention it
deserves. Those who manage the goshalas know how to spend
money or collect funds for the purpose. But they have no know-
ledge at all about rearing the cattle scientifically. They do not
know how to rear the cow so that it may yield more milk.
They do not know how to rear the oxen or improve their breed.
That is why, throughout India, goshalas, instead of being
the institutions where one could learn the art of rearing the
cattle, where there would be ideal dairies providing the best
quality of milk and the best breed of cows and oxen, are places
where the cattle are herded together in a pitiable condition.
The result is that India, instead of being a prominent country
where the best breed of cattle and the best quality of milk
should be available at the cheapest rate, is the lowest in the
world in this regard. The people managing the goshalas do not
even know that the dung and urine of the cattle can be used
most profitably. Nor do they know how best to utilize the dead
cattle. The result is that because of their ignorance crores of
rupees are being lost. An expert has stated that our cattle wealth
is only a burden on the country and deserves to be destroyed.
I do not agree with this view. But, if the general ignorance in
this matter persists for some time more, I will not be surprised if
our cattle become a burden on the country. That is why I
hope that the management of this goshala would do its best to
make it an ideal institution from every point of view.
[From Hindi]
Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 98-101
69. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
November 21, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
While I am making my speech before you, the goshala is
probably celebrating its annual function about which I told you
yesterday. I would like to mention one thing. In the course
of my speech yesterday I did not mention about the dairies
conducted for the soldiers all over India. Dr. Rajendra Prasad
told me that these dairies are still in operation. Many years
ago I had visited^ the Central Dairy at Bangalore. It used to
1 On June 12, 1927; vide Vol. XXXIII, p. 476.
78
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
function under the supervision of Col. Smith. I had seen some
beautiful cattle there. One of them was a prize cow. It was
believed that she was the best cow in the whole of Asia. I do
not quite remember if she used to give a daily yield of 75 lbs.
of milk or whether she really yielded so much milk at one
time. That cow used to roam about without any restriction
anywhere she chose. Fodder used to be kept for her at various
places, which she could eat any time she chose. This is the
bright side of the picture. I have not seen the other side of it.
But I am authentically told that a large number of male calves
are killed, because all of them cannot be turned into bullocks
that can carry heavy weight. These dairies are spread over
hundreds of acres of land if not more. They are meant specially
for European soldiers, and crores of rupees have been spent on
them. Now that we no longer have the British soldiers in India,
I do not deem them necessary. I am sure that if the Indian
soldiers know that such expensive dairies are being run for their
sake, they will feel ashamed. I am also certain that the Indian
soldiers will not demand what ordinary citizens cannot claim as
a matter of right.
The most authentic and perhaps complete information about
the cow and the buffalo can be found in a voluminous treatise'
written by Shri Satis Chandra Das Gupta of the Khadi Pratish-
than. It is not filled with extracts from other books but is
based on his personal experience and written during one of his
imprisonments. The book has been translated into Bengali and
Hindustani. Those who read it carefully would find it extremely
useful in improving the cattle breed and increasing the yield of
milk. There is a comparative study of the cow and the buffalo
also in the book.^
These are all relevant questions. I am no great scholar of
history. I do not even claim to be a learned man. But I have
read in an authoritative book on Hinduism that the word
“Hindu” does not occur in the Vedas. When Alexander the Great
invaded India, the people living in the region east of the river
Sindhu, which is called the Indus by the English-speaking
Indians, were described as the Hindus. The letter ‘S’ of the
Sindhu became ‘H’ in Greek. The religion of the people living
* Cow in India, published in two volumes. For Gandhiji’s preface to it,
vide Vol. LXXX, pp. 149-50.
^ Gandhiji then referred to a question from the audience, “What is
meant by ‘Hindu’? What is the origin of that word? Is there anything
called Hinduism?”
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
79
in this region came to be known as Hinduism which, as you
are well aware, is the most tolerant of all religions. It gave shel-
ter to the Christians who had escaped from the harassment of
the people of other religions. Besides, it also gave shelter to
the Jews known as Beni-Israel and also to the Parsis. I feel
proud to belong to Hinduism which embraces all religions and
is very tolerant. The Aryan scholars followed the Vedic religion
and India was first known as Aryavarta. I do not wish that
once again the country should be known as Aryavarta. The
Hinduism of my conception is complete in itself. Of course, it
includes the Vedas, but it also includes many other things. I do
not think it is improper to say that I can proclaim the same
faith in the greatness of Islam, Christianity, Zoroastrianism and
Judaism without in any way impairing the greatness of Hinduism.
Such Hinduism would live so long as the sun shines in the sky.
Tulsidas has expressed this idea in his couplet;
Compassion is the root of religion, pride the root of sin.
Do not give up compassion, says Tulsi, so long as there is
life in you.
The sister' who accompanied me during my visit to the
Okhla camp was upset because she wondered if the misconduct
in some of the refugee camps I had mentioned was related to
the Okhla camp. I paid a very hurried visit to the Okhla
camp, and so it is impossible to mention any such thing about
it. In my speech I have mentioned the misconduct in the refu-
gee camps in general.
I cannot help mentioning the fact that according to the
information received by me 137 mosques have been almost de-
stroyed in Delhi during the riots. Some of them have been
converted into temples. There is one such mosque near Con-
naught Place which can never remain unnoticed by anyone.
Today there is a tri-colour fiag fiying over it. It has been
changed into a temple by installing an idol in it. Desecrating
the mosques in this manner is a blot on Hinduism and Sikhism.
It is gross adharma in my view. The blot which I have mentioned
cannot be wiped out by saying that even the Muslims in
Pakistan have desecrated the Hindu temples or changed them
into mosques. In my view, any such act can only destroy
religion, whether it is Hinduism, Sikhism or Islam. ^
' Sucheta Kripalani, vide p. 75.
^ Gandhiji then read out the A. I. C. C. resolution on this subject, vide
Appendix I.
80 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Even at the risk of having to stay longer than usual at the
prayer meeting I would like to say one thing in the end as
a matter of duty. I am told that the Roman Catholics are be-
ing harassed near Gurgaon. This has happened in a village
called Kanhai which is 25 miles away from Delhi. An Indian
Roman Catholic priest and a Christian missionary came to meet
me. They showed me a letter which gave the description of the
harassment of the Roman Catholics at the hands of the Hindus.
Surprisingly, the letter was written in Urdu. I think the Hin-
dus, the Sikhs and others living in that area can speak only
Hindustani and write only in the Urdu script. The persons who
brought the information told me that the Roman Catholics were
threatened, that they would have to suffer if they did not leave
the village. I hope this threat is unfounded and that the Chris-
tian men and women would be allowed to follow their religion
and carry on their work without any hindrance. Now that we
have freed ourselves from political bondage, they, too, are en-
titled to the same freedom to follow their religion and occupa-
tions as they had under the British. The freedom we have
achieved does not imply the rule of Hindus in the Indian Union
or that of Muslims in Pakistan. I have already told you in one
of my speeches' that when the anger of the Hindus and the
Sikhs against the Muslims abated it was likely to be directed
against one another. But I did not expect my prophecy would
come true so soon. The anger against the Muslims has not yet
completely calmed down. As far as I know, these Christians
are absolutely innocent. It has been pointed out to me that
their only fault is that they are Christians. Their greater fault
is that they eat beef and pork. When out of curiosity I asked
the priest if there was any truth in it, he said that those Roman
Catholics had on their own given up eating beef some time ago.
If such childish prejudice persists, the future of India is bound
to be dark. When the priest was at Rewari, he was deprived
of his bicycle, and he narrowly escaped death. Would this mi-
sery end only with the extinction of all non-Hindus and non-
Sikhs?
[From Hindi]
Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 101-5
Vide Vol. LXXXIX, p. 380.
70. RATS OF HOPE
Although there is from all sides so much debris of hope,
now and then one sees a few rays of hope penetrating through
this debris. The reflection is due to a study of my correspon-
dence file for the Harijan which has been carefully kept for
reading during moments of leisure.
One such letter is from Shri Shivabhai Patel of Bochasan
Residential School. He has sent me a few unvarnished facts
and figures of the work done during the annual celebrations.
He is ably assisted by Gangabehn* of the late Satyagraha
Ashram of Sabarmati, now known as the Harijan Ashram and
the ever indefatigable Ravishankar Maharaja, with his two sons
who have not deserted him. A speciality of the recent celebra-
tion was that instead of the usual mechanical contrivance for
carding, they resorted exclusively to the tumi process. This time
the management was induced to begin a boarding-house for the
children of those who, in that part of India, are considered
to be a backward race. The beginning has been made with
only ten inmates. After seven years of suspension, they have
recommenced the day school for boys who have finished four
years’ course in ordinary schools. They expect to have a further
six years, bringing the boys up to the matriculation standard
minus English and plus a good grounding in khadi work, car-
pentry or agriculture. Unlike past years, during the year under
observation, the parents have become interested in the upright
conduct of their children. The result is that during the four
months preceding the celebration of October last, the boys who
were given to hard smoking and drinking strong tanning tea,
have shed the habit which was ruining them. The earnestness
of the boys has aflFected their parents who have also given up
these evil habits that make chimneys of their mouths and ruin
their digestive apparatus. When the boys were admitted, they
could not sit still or hold their tongues for five minutes. They
have now learnt to enjoy hand-spinning in perfect silence for
* Gangabehn Vaidya
^ Ravishankar Vyas, who devoted his life to the uplift of the Baraia
tribe in Gujarat
81
90-6
82 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
one hour. Gangabehn who is in complete charge of the dairy
of the institution takes good care to provide pure cow’s milk.
During the celebration days the students’ recitations con-
sisted of useful dialogues which were largely attended. They had
also an unpretentious exhibition of all the processes that cotton
undergoes before it comes out as khadi. Twenty- three students
took part in a competition — for neat calligraphy, a subject about
which there is so much indifference as if neatness of handwriting
was no part of good training.
New Delhi, November 22, 1947
Harijan, 30-11-1947
71. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
November 22, 1947
I am thinking of going to Panipat and staying there. I do
not wish to take many workers with me. Manu will of course
be there. If . . .* wants to go with me he may. But I think it would
be better if he went to Rajkot or stayed with . . for the
present. Because it is a matter of “do or die” with us. And
there is no knowing when this yajna will end. Jawahar does
not like the idea. I am trying to bring him round. If he is
persuaded and consents willingly, I may leave for Panipat at
the earliest.
You must not be anxious in the least. Rama is the Pro-
tector of us all. As long as I have this faith, everything is right
with me. God knows what will happen to me the day I lose
this faith. That is the reason why I remain so cheerful in spite of
being surrounded by this raging fire. I am at peace. I get sound
sleep. I keep well.
My blessings to you all. I hope everyone is keeping well.
If you find the time, make a copy of this letter and read it to
the Ashram inmates.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — p. 333
' & ^ The names are omitted in the source.
72. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
November 22, 1947
Now we are daily growing more and more barbarous.
Yesterday I had some Christian visitors. I did not talk about
them at length in the prayers, but they too are being harassed
a lot. That is why I am praying within, ‘O Rama, now take
me away soon.’
I have to admit that the intellectuals and the leaders are
more responsible for these disturbances than the common people.
Look at what happened in Sind. All the leaders managed
to come away and the innocent people are being killed. Can we
turn so sinful and deceitful? It makes me shudder.
This is the situation today. Let us see what God ordains
ultimately.
[From Hindi]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — p. 332
73. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
November 22, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
I have received information about some instances of simi-
lar harassment' to the Christians at Sonepat also. I am told
that the Christians were first requested to allow use of their
buildings for the refugees. They readily agreed, for which
they were also thanked. But that gratitude turned into a
curse, for their other buildings were also forcibly occupied for
accommodating the refugees. They were then told that they
should leave Sonepat if they did not wish to subject themselves
to misery. If my information is correct, it is clear that the disease
is spreading and no one can say where it would lead India.
While discussing the subject with friends I was told that so
long as the atrocities in Pakistan do not abate, not much im-
provement can be expected in the Indian Union. In support of
’ Vide p. 80.
83
84
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
this argument I was shown Press reports about what is hap-
pening in Lahore. I personally do not accept Press reports
to be absolutely correct. I would also warn the newspaper
readers not to be easily carried away by the newspaper reports.
Even the best of newspapers are not above giving exaggerated
reports and embellishing them. But supposing what you read in
the newspapers is all correct, still we should never imitate bad
examples.
Imagine a square frame to which no slate is fixed. If you
mishandle that frame its right angles would become acute and
obtuse angles. But if the frame is once again held properly at
one end, the remaining three angles would automatically become
right angles.
Similarly, if the people and the Government of the Indian
Union behave well, I have no doubt at all that Pakistan would
also give proper response and the whole of India would once
again come to her senses. This harassment of the Christians who
have, in my view, committed no crime, should be an indication
that it is not proper to let this madness spread. And, if India
has to keep its prestige before the world, this madness should
be combated sternly and at once.
There are doctors, lawyers, students, teachers, nurses, etc.,
among the refugees. If they segregate themselves from the poor refu-
gees, they would not be able to learn anything from their own
misfortune. I feel that all professional and non-professional, rich
and poor refugees should live together and build ideal cities just
as the rich people of Lahore made Lahore an ideal city which
the Hindus and the Sikhs had perforce to give up. Such
cities would relieve the burden of overcrowded cities like Delhi
and this would lead to better health and progress of the people
living there. If over two lakh refugees at the Kurukshetra camp
become ideal in the matter of inner and outer cleanliness, and
if the professional and the rich people live with the poor on
terms of equality and live a life of contentment in these colo-
nies of tents, and if they do their own work, beginning with
sanitation, etc., and engage themselves in some useful work
throughout the day, they would cease to be a burden on the
Government treasury. And the people in the city, in their turn, would
not stop at merely admiring the simplicity and co-operation of
the refugees, but would feel ashamed of their own lives, and
follow the good example of the refugees. Then the present
bitterness and mutual jealousies would vanish in no time. And
the refugees, no matter how large their number may be, would
LINGUISTIC REDISTRIBUTION
85
no longer be a matter of worry for the Union and local Govern-
ments. The world would admire the ideal life of these millions
of refugees.
In the end, I would talk about removing controls, espe-
cially the controls on food and cloth. The Government hesitates
to remove controls because it feels that there is a real scarcity
of food and cloth in the country, and the prices of these com-
modities will shoot up if the controls are removed and the
poorer sections will have to suffer a great deal. The Govern-
ment thinks that the poor can be saved from starvation by
continuing the controls and that they can be provided sufficient
clothes. The Government is suspicious about the traders,
cultivators and the middlemen. It fears that these people are
waiting like hawks for the removal of controls, so that they
could fill their pockets with tainted money at the cost of the
poor. The Government has to make a choice between the two
evils. It thinks that continuing rather than removing the con-
trols is the lesser evil.
That is why I appeal to the traders, middlemen and culti-
vators that they should dispel these doubts about them and
assure the Government that the prices will not rise when the
controls are removed. It may not be possible to root out black
market and underhand dealings by removing the controls but
the poor would have a much easier time than now.
[From Hindi]
Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 106-8
74. LINGUISTIC REDISTRIBUTION
Acharya Shriman Narayan Agrawal writes to me a letter
published in the columns of the Harijan Sevak. Its purport is
that new universities should not be established before the pro-
posed linguistic redistribution of Provinces. The following is the
rendering of his argument’ :
I entirely endorse the suggestion underlying the foregoing
letter, viz., that what is proper to be done should not be de-
layed without just cause, and that what is improper should
not be conceded under any circumstances whatsoever. There can
be no compromise with evil and since linguistic redistribution is
Which is not reproduced here
86
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
desirable from almost every point of view, all delay in carrying
out the project should be avoided.
But the reluctance to enforce linguistic redistribution is
perhaps justifiable in the present depressing atmosphere. The
exclusive spirit is ever uppermost. Everyone thinks of himself
and his family. No one thinks of the whole of India. The
centripetal force is undoubtedly there, but it is not vocal,
never boisterous; whereas the centrifugal is on the surface, and
in its very nature makes the loudest noise, demanding the at-
tention of all. It manifests itself most in matters communal.
This has given rise to fear in other fields. The history of the
quarrel between Orissa and Andhra, Orissa and Bihar and Orissa
and Bengal is fresh in our minds. The whole of it has not died
out even now. This is but an illustration of an almost accom-
plished fact. The other provinces were never redistributed in
law though they were in 1920 when the Congress had a brand
new constitution* enabling it to put up a life-and-death struggle
with perhaps the greatest empire that has ever been. How will
Madras, though divided by the Congress divide itself into four
provinces, and Bombay do likewise in law? Many other clai-
mants have come to the fore. They are not recognized by the
Congress, but they are not less vocal or less insistent. The
Congress does not command the prestige and authority it found
itself in possession of in 1920. Despair has given place to hope.
Now, when we have freedom, we seem not to know what to
do with it. It is almost mistaken for suicidal anarchy. Even
zealous reformers would postpone controversial issues to a more
hopeful time when, in the interest of the country, the virtue
of ‘give and take’ would be freely recognized and all sectional
interests would be subordinate to the one interest of the good
of India, which will include the good of all. Therefore, those
who, like me, want constructive suggestions to come into play
at this very moment, have to work to bring about a healthy
atmosphere, promoting concord in the place of discord, peace
in the place of strife, progress in the place of retrogression and
life in the place of death. That happy day will be most mani-
fest when the communal strife has died out. Meanwhile, will
the Southern linguistic groups settle their disputes and bound-
aries, will Bombay produce an agreed scheme of redistribution
according to language, and will the new candidates withdraw their
claims at least for the time being? Then linguistic redistribution
1 Vide Vol. XIX, p. 191.
DEATH — COURAGEOUS OR COWARDLY
87
can come into being today without the slightest difficulty or
fuss.
Let there be no undue strain upon the Congress, whose
foundations have been shaken to their roots. It is ill-equipped
today either for arbitrating between rival claimants or imposing
its will upon recalcitrants.
New Delhi, November 23, 1947
Harijan, 30-11-1947
75. UNBELIEVABLE
A correspondent writes:
Those who advocate the policy of undivided Bengal shall be
punishable with death is the Gazetted Order of the East Bengal
Government.
I should like to see the text of the Order before I can be-
lieve it. I feel sure that even if there is any Order to some
such effect, the exact wording would bear a different meaning. I
can understand the criminality of such action. There are very
few Hindus and certainly not many Muslims who believe in the
advisability or justice of the step. But only a mad man would
advocate any forcible measure to upset the settled fact. The
partition can be undone only by the willing consent of both the
parties. But even that consent will be impossible, if no one is
allowed to convert public opinion to the side of unity.
New Delhi, November 23, 1947
Harijan, 30-11-1947
76. DEATH— COURAGEOUS OR COWARDLY
A Bengali friend writes a long letter in Bengali on the
exodus from East Pakistan. Its purport is that though workers
like him understand and appreciate my argument and distinction
between death — courageous and cowardly — the common man
detects in my statement a not-too-hidden advice in favour of
migration. He says: “If death is to be the lot in any case, courage
becomes of no count; for man lives but to escape death.”
This argument seems to beg the question. Man does not
live but to escape death. If he does so, he is advised not to
88
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
do SO. He is advised to learn to love death as well as life, if
not more so. A hard saying, harder to act up to, one may say.
Every worthy act is difficult. Ascent is always difficult. Descent
is easy and often slippery. Life becomes livable only to the
extent that death is treated as a friend, never as an enemy.
To conquer life’s temptations, summon death to your aid. In
order to postpone death a coward surrenders honour, wife,
daughter and all. A courageous man prefers death to the sur-
render of self-respect. When the time comes, as it conceivably
can, I would not leave my advice to be inferred, but it will
be given in precise language. That today my advice might be
followed only by one or none does not detract from its value.
A beginning is always made by a few, even one.
New Delhi, November 23, 1947
Harijan, 30-11-1947
77. NATIONAL GUARDS
A correspondent from East Bengal asks:
The Pakistan Government are sure to raise a volunteer army called
National Guards or by some other name. What are the Hindus to
do, if they are asked to join? What are they to do, if the army is
confined only to the Muslims?
This is a difficult question to answer in the present state of
things. Almost every Muslim is a suspect in the Union and
every Hindu or Sikh likewise in Pakistan, West or East. If
there is a hearty invitation, I would advise joining the body,
assuming of course that the terms are equal and there is no
interference with one’s religion. If there is no such invitation,
I should, for the time being, submit to the exclusion without
harbouring any resentment.
New Delhi, November 23, 1947
Harijan, 30-11-1947
78. IN PRAISE OF DECONTROL
The following extracts’ are taken from a very long thesis
sent by a correspondent in favour of decontrol at least so far as
food is concerned.
By reducing rations from lbs. to | lb. the Government has . . .
created a bigger vicious circle. The . . . agriculturist. . . knows that the
lesser the ration the greater is the demand of the black market. . . .
He will hoard secretly. . . . The lower production figures will cause . . .
further reduction in the ration. . . .
If we think over what we import and what is being spoiled and
thrown away at storage places, it will be realized that our wastage is
greater than the imports! Hence we must not import. We must reduce
wastage.
Why have our leaders kept themselves entangled in the net created
for us for specific reasons by their predecessors, the British? How is it
that things do not become clear to them? Why are they guided by
the figures put before them by the officers which in some cases are nei-
ther complete nor accurate? . . .
Food crop production is not less today than what it was six years
back. . . . During the war period a large quantity was supplied to the
military with certain unavoidable wastages. Foodgrain were also sup-
plied to the Middle East. These conditions do not obtain today. The
public was then given 1 ^ lbs. daily ration. Thus . . . more stock was
then available . . . than today. Six years back . . . grain was stored ac-
cording to old customs in underground stores. Every merchant . . . had
big stocks of grain. . . . There were heaps of foodgrain .... Today, nei-
ther the consumer nor the businessman nor the Government has any
stock. . . . The Congress, which is in power, is not able, owing to de-
fects in the present procedure, to give to the public what as a matter
of fact is really available in the country and the public is displeased
and interested parties are taking advantage of this situation to make
the Congress unpopular. It is only the Congress which can maintain
peace in the country and if it once loses its hold over the public, which
may happen if the situation does not show signs of improvement, and
is allowed to deteriorate from day to day as it is doing, it will be very
difficult, if not impossible, for it to avoid the storm that may come.
Harijan, 23-11-1947
’ Only excerpts from which are reproduced here
89
79. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
November 23, 1947
Since I had no letter from you recently, I was beginning to be
afraid lest you had fallen sick. You must regularly take sun-bath
and apply mud-packs. Take complete rest and repeat Ramanama
with eyes closed till you fall asleep. Give up all anxiety regard-
ing your sons or other things. Don’t start taking milk yet. Take
whey, as much hot water as you can and some honey. Among
fruits, avoid heavy ones like bananas. You can take mosambi,
orange or lemon; also raw vegetables. Stop all walking and
reading. Get someone to read to you. Strictly avoid newspapers,
because they publish all sorts of true and false reports about the
country and about me, which make you anxious. Listen to news-
paper reports only if you are a sthitaprajm. Listen to Ramayana,
Bkagawat, the Bible, etc. If you carry out these instructions,
you will recover soon and be in a position to share my work.
Babo must be going to school. Let them all do their own
work with their own hands. That will make them self-reliant.
I am keeping well. The burden of work is heavy. Manu will
be writing about all other things. I am instructing Manu to
write to you every week even if I am not able to do so.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, pp. 340-1
80. ERAGMENT OE A LETTER
November 23, 1947
Just now I have written an article’ on Shrimanji’s letter.
Do read it. Why do we find the linguistic [problem] so diffi-
cult? But these days instead of settling our problems we think
it is brave and clever to fight over everything. Or this is
considered some sort of a fashion nowadays.
Things are not all right here. People’s hearts are filled with
poison. I am thinking what my duty is in these circumstances.
I also feel that the leaders are no longer honest.
[From Hindi]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^I, p. 341
’ Vide pp. 85-7.
90
81. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING^
November 23, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
Gandhiji apologized to the radio men for his occasional breach of the
rule that his speech should not exceed twenty minutes, not even fifteen, if
possible. He said that he could not always observe the rule for his main
purpose was to reach the hearts of the audience that was physically before him.
The radio came next. He did not know whether there was any arrange-
ment whereby the radio could record longer speeches. He was not in the
habit of speaking without purpose or for the sake of hearing his own voice. ^
A gentleman writes to ask me whether one should take to
violence if one’s rights are not granted. We cannot secure our
rights through violence. I would even say that we can secure
nothing through violence. Apparently, it seems we can get our
things that way. But how? Supposing a child is having a
rupee. If I slap him twice and take away that rupee, I may
have the satisfaction of having got the rupee, but how much
would I have lost in the bargain? What could the poor child
do? But it would prick me that I snatched away the rupee
from the poor child by beating him. Of course there are any
number of such rogues in the world. But I cannot do such a
thing. I have no right to deprive anyone like that. Snatching
away something would have a bad result. That is why I say
that we cannot demand rights with violence. There is only one
way of securing our rights which I have already explained.^
Everybody approved of it. I have stated my view about the
rights of the people and how they can be achieved. I would say
that there is nothing like a right. For the one who has no duties
there are no rights either. In other words, all rights emanate
from duties — if there is no duty, there is no right either. When
I do my duty, it brings some result and that is my right. For
instance, I eat because it is my duty to do so. If I eat for
* Gandhiji exhorted the audience to observe silence which was being
disturbed by the murmur among women who were present in a large number.
Complete silence was then restored.
^ This paragraph is from Harijan.
3 Vide Vol. LXXXVIII, pp. 230-2 and 236-8.
91
92
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
pleasure, I fall victim to some disease or other. If I eat be-
cause it is my duty to eat, if I pray to God, if I serve the
world, that itself is my right. What is my right? It is the
right to serve. You would ask me how that can be called a
right. But you would understand this if you thought over it a
little. I would say that that itself becomes the right. Suppose
I work for the whole day and earn eight annas — I get those eight
annas as my right. How did I have that right? Because I worked.
If I do not work and take eight annas, I appropriate that
amount, I do not have it as my right. I can have a right only
when I fulfil my promise to work and that too sincerely in
thought, word and deed. But if I do not work with my heart in
it, if I exploit the employer and deceive him because he is not
noticing it, then it is a sin. When I know that everybody is
getting a rupee I too want to have a rupee for myself. But when
can I have it? Only when I have the employer’s permission.
I would ask him why, when everybody is getting one rupee, I
should work for eight annas only, and would ask for at least fifteen
annas. He may say that I should work for eight annas or leave.
What should I do in that case? Should I burn his property?
Obstruct his work? Do picketing? Go on fast? If I say that
I would resign but not work for eight annas, then I would be
acting like a gentleman. I would say that whatever you do, you
must do in a decent way. Decency means following one’s reli-
gion, doing one’s duty and earning one’s rights non-violently by
performing one’s duty. Let us not try to get anything through
violence — that is the only way to sustain the world. Otherwise
things go wrong in the world.
I have already talked to you about the Christians. Today
I will tell you about the Harijans. It is a matter of shame for
us that there are Harijans in Rohtak, or, say, in Rohtak
district — they were there everywhere before and are still there.
There are the Jats and perhaps Ahirs too. They felt that
the Harijans were their slaves and they could get any work
done by them. Once again the question of their rights
came and they felt that the Harijans were born slaves. They
may be given water and food but they can get nothing by
right. I regard this as arrogance. This was prevalent during
the days of the British and now it is all the more there. These
poor Harijans are timid, so they came to me and asked me what
they should do in the face of harassment. Should they remain
slaves or die or leave Rohtak? It is quite understandable that
they cannot leave the place. If they leave Rohtak, other people
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
93
would suffer, because their work would be affected. But this
means that Harijans have to remain slaves forever. And so, those
poor people came. Some of them study in schools, some are study-
ing further and some lag behind; some even learn crafts, but
what can they tell those who are harassing them? We have now
reached a stage when we do not stop to think where we are
going. During the British days we used to be afraid of being
beaten or killed. Now that the alien rule has ended we think
that no one can do us any harm. We feel that we can even
intimidate a judge if we are brought before him. We think that
the judge can do nothing to us. We have become so arrogant.
The result is that the Harijans are ruined. So, I suggested to
them that they should go to Thakkar Bapah He was born just
to serve the Harijans and the tribals. He does everything for
the Harijans. So those people went to him and came back to
tell me that he was not doing anything for them. I knew what
they wanted. They are seated right here. I told them that they
should go to Dr. Gopichand^. What if he has become the
Premier now? He used to attend to every work of the Hari-
jan Sevak Sangh at one time. I decided to meet him since he
was coming here today, and I met him. But what can be done
when the people there have become such tyrants, resort to
coercion and refuse to listen? The British rule is no longer
there, and the people cannot behave like that. Then what should
the Harijans do? So, I thought that today I should talk about
the sad plight of the Harijans. Can we not do even this much?
What is our duty today? So far we have acted against dharma
in regarding the Harijans as untouchables and slaves. We com-
mitted that mistake, that sin, and the Harijan Sevak Sangh
came into being^ by way of expiation. The Sangh has done
considerable work. But not all Hindus have taken the same stand.
Millions of Hindus have not even accepted the Sangh. If all
Hindus had accepted it, where was the need for me to narrate
^ A. V. Thakkar (1869-1951); joined the Servants of India Society in
1914; established the Bhil Seva Sadan in 1922; General Secretary, Harijan
Sevak Sangh; President, Gujarat Antyaja Seva Mandal; Secretary, Kasturba
Gandhi National Memorial Trust, 1944-51; established the Bharatiya Adimjati
Sevak Sangh
^ Gopichand Bhargava (1889-1966); President, Harijan Sevak Sangh in
the Punjab; Chief Minister of the Punjab, 1947-51
^ On October 26, 1932, initially under the name of Anti-Untouchability
League, with G. D. Birla as President and A. V. Thakkar as General
Secretary
94
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
this sad tale? During the days of the British we used to abuse
them and say that we would become good if the British did not
rule us. Now the British have gone. But have we become good
or bad? I would say that there is more degeneration now than
before. We used to commit excesses and are committing them
even now. First we oppressed the Muslims. This too was a sin.
Forget that Pakistan has come into being, don’t think of it. If
one man commits a sin should we also do the same? You will
realize that it is bad if you think over it. One wrong leads to
another. We have killed a large number of people. We have
acquired false courage and we are determined to kill the
Christians, and then we want to have Jatistan, Ahiristan and so
many separate states. But no one is keen about building up
India. We must accept the Harijans. They too are Hindus
like us. They are not the fifth caste. Hinduism has no fifth
varna\ there are only four, and these four varnas are not graded
as high or low. Among these four varnas the first teaches
religion, the second protects people, the third practises trade —
to collect millions of rupees, not for personal use but for the
welfare of the people — and the fourth serves the society. But
people belonging to the four varnas can mingle with one
another. It is not as though a Shudra, if he became a barris-
ter, could not practise law. He can serve even after becoming
a barrister. One who teaches religion serves, so does the one
who practises trade and is in employment and also the one who
sweeps. All these four are fields of service. The one who
teaches religion has to learn more. But that does not mean that
he commits a sin by giving up his profession and going in for
another. It is not that he cannot do that. Similarly, we created
so many castes and now are creating the fifth varna. This is
wrong, it is an act of wickedness. Everything will be all right
if each follows his religion. Now, when we are having the reins
of power in our hands, it seems to me that things would be
all right if the Hindus and the Sikhs followed their respective
religions. I have finished for the day and the meeting is also
over.
[From Hindi]
Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 109-12
82. LETTER TO JIVANJI D. DESAI
November 24, 1947
CHI. JIVANJI,
I am sending you plenty of material today. I have not been
able to enclose the translations. Please, therefore, wait for the
post tomorrow also. Can you make really good arrangements
for translation there? Rajaji' is sitting by my side just now —
though, of course, I am observing silence. I will not, therefore,
write more.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 9987. Also C. W. 6961.
Courtesy: Jivanji D. Desai
83. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
November 24, 1947
Today I observe silence; and also write for Harijan. The
articles I can somehow manage, but the letters pile up. I try
to reply to them with due care, but rarely succeed in the
effort. Should I not consider this as my shortcoming? I get
up at 3.30 in the morning and devote all the time after prayers
to writing. I snatch some time to doze a little. Then I go for a
walk. From this moment right up to the time I retire at night,
I am so hard pressed for time that I do not get a moment’s
respite. But I have to listen to people in connection with the work
for which I am camping here. That is how the cart jogs along.
Once again since last night communal riots have flared up
in Delhi. Who knows what scenes God intends to show me!
My faith goes on increasing each day and the mind is tranquil.
The body gets tired when I am required to speak a lot. Then
I make some quick changes in my diet.
* C. Rajagopalachari, Governor of Bengal, who was officiating as the
Acting Governor-General from November 10 to November 26, when Lord
Mountbatten was away in England to attend the marriage of Princess
Elizabeth with Prince Philip Mountbatten.
95
96
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
All of US are, however, playthings in the hands of Rama.
We have to dance to His tune. I hope you are all well. How
are the conditions there? It seems that the controls are now
on the way out. . . .'
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, pp. 347-8
84. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
November 24, 1947
The situation is becoming quite delicate here. There is too
much rancour among the Sikhs. Only yesterday some Sikhs went
inside a Muslim house in Chandni Chowk and beat up the
inmates.^ What has become of us?
Today only this much. I have been awake since 3 in the
morning. I am tired because I have written quite a lot. Just
now I wish to lie down for some rest and Rajendra Babu will
be here shortly.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Hindi]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, p. 348
85. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING^
November 24, 1947
You are good enough, when I enter the prayer-ground, to
make ample room for me and my daughters to allow us to pass
through. I would urge you to observe the same orderliness
when after the prayer I go out. There is an unseemly rush
to touch me as I pass. The crowd press in upon me. I know
and value your affection. I want it to take the shape not
of effusiveness but of some constructive service of the country
such as I have pointed out on many an occasion and in my
numerous writings. The first and foremost today is communal
harmony. Formerly the discord was of a negative character.
’ Omission as in the source
^ Vide also the following item.
^ As Gandhiji was observing silence, his written message in Hindustani
was read out.
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
97
Today it is of a most virulent type. The Hindus and the Sikhs
on the one hand and the Muslims on the other have become
enemies of each other with the shameful results which we have
already seen.
Those who attend the prayer should not only be free from
rancour against one another, but should actively assist in re-
establishing the communal harmony which was our pride during
the Khilafat days. Have I not attended the huge friendly ga-
therings of those days? They had gladdened my heart when I
witnessed them. Will those days never return?
Take the latest tragedy that took place in the heart of the
capital city yesterday. Some Hindu and Sikh refugees are reported
to have gone out to an empty Muslim house and unlawfully
attempted to occupy it. A scuffle ensued and some were
injured, though none fatally. This incident, bad as it was, was
exaggerated out of all proportion. The first report was that
four Sikhs were murdered. The sequel was to be expected.
Retribution followed and several stabbings took place. A new
technique seems to have been established now. The Sikhs with
drawn swords, which seem to have taken the place of little
kirpans, with or without the Hindus, visit Muslim houses and
demand evacuation. This is a monstrous state of things in
this, the capital city, if the report is true. If it is untrue, it
may be dismissed. If it is true, it demands urgent attention
not only from the authorities but the public as well. The former
will be impotent, if the public is not behind them.
I am not sure what my duty is in this case. Things are
evidently going from bad to worse. The full moon day of Kartik
will soon be upon us. All kinds of rumours have been pouring
in. I hope that they are all untrue, as they proved to be for
the Dussehra and the Bakr-Id.
One lesson to be learnt from these rumours is that we are
living a disturbed life, which is not good for any State or nation.
Every servant of the nation has to consider seriously the part
he has to play towards the abatement of this corroding nuisance.
It is well to consider at this stage a long letter from Sardar
Sant Singh of Lyallpur, former M. L. A. (Central). He has put
up a forcible defence for the Sikhs. He has read into my
prayer speech* of last Wednesday a meaning which the words
do not bear and certainly never meant by me. Perhaps the good
Sardar does know of my intimate connection with the Sikhs ever
* Vide pp. 71-5.
90-7
98
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
since my return from South Africa in 1915. There was a time
when my word was law to them as to the Hindus and the
Muslims. Manners have changed with the times. But I know
that I have not. The Sardar, perhaps, does not view the present
tendency among the Sikhs as I, their avowed, dispassionate
friend without any axe of my own to grind, can and do. I speak
freely and frankly because I am their true friend. I make bold
to say that many a time the Sikh situation was saved because
the Sikhs in general chose to follow my advice. I need,
therefore, no reminder that I should be cautious about what I
say about the Sikhs or any other community. Let the Sardar
and every Sikh, who wishes well by them and is not carried
away by the prevailing current, help in ridding the great and
brave community of madness, drunkenness and all the vices
that flow from it. Let them sheathe the sword which they have
flourished loudly and used badly. Let them not be fooled by
the Privy Council judgement if it means that the kirpan is a
sword of any length. A kirpan ceases to be sacred when it goes
into the hands of an unprincipled drunkard or when it is used
anyhow. A sacred thing has to be used on sacred and lawful
occasions. A kirpan is undoubtedly a symbol of strength, which
adorns the possessor only if he exercises amazing restraint over
himself and uses it against enormous odds against himself.
The Sardar will pardon me when I say that I have fairly
studied the history of the Sikhs and drunk deep of the essence
of the Granthsaheb. Tested by the tenets of that scripture, what is
said to have been done by the Sikhs is indefensible and suicidal.
The Sikh bravery and integrity must not be frittered away on
any account. It can be an asset to the whole of India. In my
opinion, it is a menace which it should not be.
Of course, it is nonsense to suggest that the Sikhs are enemy
No. 1 of Islam. Have I not been described as such? Is the
honour to be divided between them and me? I have never
desired the honour. My whole life is a standing testimony
against the charge. Can the same be said of the Sikhs? Let
them learn the lesson from the Sikhs who stand behind the
Sher-e-Kashmir*. Let them repent of the follies committed in
their name.
I know the vicious suggestion that the Hindus would be all
right if they would sacriflce the Sikhs who would never be
tolerated in Pakistan. I can never be a party to any such
* Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah; literally “the Lion of Kashmir”
LETTER TO CHAMPA R. MEHTA
99
fratricidal bargain. There can be no rest for this unhappy land
unless every Hindu and Sikh returns with honour and in safety
to West Punjab and every Muslim refugee to the Union, bar-
ring of course those who do not choose to do so for reasons
of their own. The sin of mass exchange of population must be
washed out if we are to live as peaceful and helpful neighbours.
I must not be asked to recount the evil deeds of Pakistan.
The recounting won’t help either the Hindu or the Sikh sufferers.
Pakistan has to bear the burden of its sins, which I know are
terrible enough. It should be enough for everybody to know
my opinion (in so far as it has any value) that the beginning
was made by the Muslim League long before the 15th of August.
Nor am I able to say that they turned over a new leaf on the
15th of August last. This statement of my opinion can’t help
you. What is of moment is that we of the Union copied the
sins and thus became fellow-sinners. Odds became even. Shall
we now awake from the trance, repent and change or must we
fall?
Harijan, 7-12-1947
86. LETTER TO CHAMPA R. MEHTA
New Delhi,
November 25, 1947
CHI. CHAMPA,
I have your letter. It does not satisfy me in the least. I
see the old Champa in it. Once one has begun to entertain a
doubt about a person, the latter cannot guide one. Please, there-
fore, excuse me and leave me out of this.
It is of course true that Bhansali’s attitude in this matter is
different from mine.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a microfilm of the Gujarati: M.M.U./XX
87. LETTER TO CHIMANLAL JV. SHAH
November 25, 1947
CHI. CHIMANLAL,
I am enclosing herewith Ashadevi’s letter. Accordingly pay
her Rs. 35,000. You certainly can manage the amount. You
already have deposits with Bachchharaj Company. Moreover Brij-
mohan came yesterday and told me that he would deposit
another Rs. 15,000 with the firm.
Sushila says that Babu’ has reached there but she is very ill.
I shall now enquire and know the details. She should have
patience and stay on in Nagpur where she has been.
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
88. LETTER TO HIRAGAURI
November 25, 1947
CHI. HIRAGAURI,
I have your cheque. I am glad to learn about the family’s
well-being. Chi. Manu is now firmly settled there. Hence, there
is no reason to worry.
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
89. LETTER TO CHUNIBHAI
New Delhi,
November 25, 1947
BHAI CHUNIBHAI,
I got your letter only today. I don’t know who Subbayya
is and it was just today that I came to know of the incident you
write about. I have always had respect for Rishi Aurobindo^.
* Sharda, addressee’s daughter, married to Gordhandas Chokhawala
^ Aurobindo Ghosh (1872-1950); studied in England from 1880 to 1893;
taught in Baroda and Calcutta; organized revolutionary activities and was
sentenced for a year in May 1908; established an ashram in Pondicherry;
author of Life Divine, The Synthesis of Toga, The Human Cycle, The Ideal of
Human Unity, Essays on the Gita, Savitri and other works
100
FRAGMENT OF A LETTER 101
I also do not know what the Government here has to say.
Please rest assured concerning me.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
90. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
November 25, 1947
I think it would be good if institutions like the Nayee Talim*,
Ashram, etc., get integrated. There will be substantial savings
also. The atmosphere will definitely undergo a sea-change. But
all these aspects have to be considered by the Ashram inmates
themselves. I see no early prospect of my going there. God will
either save me or consume me here. Whatever the result I am
patiently waiting for either of the two. And I look upon this
as God’s grace.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^I, p. 355
91. ERAGMENT OE A LETTER
November 25, 1947
Lying down I am dictating this to Chi. Manudi. My hands
become numb from cold. Chi. Manudi is even more delicate, al-
though she is much younger. Such is the plight of our girls.
Let me now come to the point.
In my view, the Junagadh problem remains unsolved. If
the Nawab had not run away and if he had handed over
all power voluntarily, that would have constituted real victory.
He ran away because he was afraid of you. I do not con-
sider this a glorious achievement. What I wanted was that
the Nawab should have stayed and done the will of his
subjects. He could not become a servant of the people. This is
possible only in a non-violent struggle. A mighty power like
England was subdued by a struggle based on truth and non-
violence and it transferred all power with its own hands. We
have this illustration before us, and yet you could not win over
’ Hindustani Talimi Sangh
102 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
the poor little ruler of Junagadh through love. I am not pre-
pared to give credit to Shamaldas for any success or bravery.
He is my own nephew. No one else knows him as well as I do.
But what is the use of stretching the point? It is enough for
me if I can die with Rama’s name on my lips and truth and
non-violence in my heart.
Chi. Manudi often gives me news about Kathiawar. Men
from Kathiawar, like Balwantrai, Anantrai Pattani and Dhebar,
come and see me from time to time. I cannot listen to them
all. Manu has shaped well and can understand and discuss the
problems.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — pp. 355-6
92. LETTER TO PRABHAKAR
New Delhi,
November 25, 1947
CHI. PRABHAKAR,
I have your letter. To me April is very far off. When the
time comes I shall let you know who should accompany me. I
think you will have to come. It is good that you met Mataji.
I understand what you say about Zohrah She should get well
now.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 9041. Also C. W. 9165. Courtesy:
Prabhakar
93. LETTER TO KRISHNACHANDRA
November 25, 1947
CHI. KRISHNACHANDRA,
I have your letter. You did well in writing about the weaving
department. I have seen a part of it and the rest I shall see
whenever I find time.
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
^ Wife of Akbar Chavda
94. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
November 25, 1947
. . .* I thought you were an innocent girl. One cannot think
of marriage in this jajna. Yes, if your mother and father are keen
you can get married but I cannot have the marriage here. Today
I am burning in this fire-pit. Let us see what path God shows
us in the end. You must complete your nursing course.
I have heard many other things also about the Ashram.
Don’t you think it is your duty to write to me about all this?
If you cannot abide by the rules of the Ashram, you should
leave it.
[From Hindi]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, p. 355
95. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
November 25, 1947
I am sorry that I did not answer your letter till today. I
beg your forgiveness. Today we are steadily going down and
God knows to what depth. Khwaja Saheb met me yesterday.^
He may come today also. I am considering what my duty is
when there is a threat to the lives of Khwaja Saheb and women
like Sophiabehn^. I realize what a blunder we have committed
in partitioning the country and we continue to make more and
more blunders. It is possible that I am mistaken. Let us see
what path God shows us.
[From Hindi]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, p. 356
* Omission as in the source
2 After hearing from Khwaja Abdul Majid, President, All-India Muslim
Majlis, about his experiences Gandhiji had remarked: “Had they killed you, I
would have danced (with joy). And by dying you would have rendered ser-
vice both to Muslims and Hindus.”
^ A Congress Seva Dal worker, who had come to see Gandhiji on
November 23
103
96. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
November 25, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
Today I want to tell you something about the refugees from
Pakistan. But the difficulty is whether they should be called
refugees. Some persons met me yesterday and asked me why I was
referring to them as refugees. In a way they are right because
those who seek shelter are known as sharanarthi — refugees. They
said they had been driven here by their troubles, but why
should they seek anybody’s protection here, especially since they
have come to India and India belongs to everyone? I think of
Pakistan as also included in India. But if it is not part of India
today and India is divided into two parts, the Indian Union
belongs and should belong to everybody. So, when they come over
here, they do so as a matter of right. From this point of view those
persons’ remark appeared right to me. When a person is facing
hardships in a place and escapes from that place and comes and
takes shelter on the lap of his mother, shall we call him a refugee
or a person who has come as a matter of right? I told them
that they must admit that I had no ill feeling in my heart which
would make me use harsh words. In fact, we have been such slaves
of the English language that we cannot free ourselves from that
slavish mentality. Hence the word refugee, and it could mean
only one thing, as popularized by the Press, namely, sharanarthi or
nirashrit. Then those people remarked that there were many
other words in English. Why should they not be called ‘sufferers’.
I know English sufficiently well. So, how could I call them suffer-
ers? Then, what should I call them? I thought they may be called
dukhi because they are disconsolate. But in a way, we are all
full of sorrow in this life. As a matter of fact those who have
come here in millions leaving their homes and property are in
great misery. I would therefore like to talk about them today.
Three types of people came to see me today. One type I
would leave out altogether. The person had a big joint family in
Lahore. He used to run some hotels, etc., and all his houses and
property were left behind and he came here with his wife and
children. He did not bring all the family members here. He
104
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
105
narrated everything to me and requested me to find some accom-
modation for him. I told him that I had no authority, and even
if I had, I would not fix any accommodation for him. As it was, there
was housing shortage in Delhi and the local people themselves were
in great trouble; the Government requisitioned their houses. When
an officer or a diplomat arrived, he could not be put up in a
tent. Hence, the Government acquired some houses and made
the allotment for the purpose. If the original occupants protested
and asked where they could go, they were asked to go anywhere.
The Government, of course, did not go to that extent, but it
could go, and many people would have received notices to vacate
their houses. Under these conditions, how could these millions
of suffering people be provided accommodation? He told me
that he had come here after losing seventeen members [of his
family]. I told him that at least he had seventeen members in
his family. There were some families where there was no one
apart from a man and a woman. I told him that if he
believed that he belonged to the whole of India, even after
the loss of the seventeen members who were dead and gone,
the rest of India was there for him. Well, this is just philo-
sophizing, so let us leave it here. Then I told him that he
should go and live in the camps. All types of people were
living there and there was nothing wrong about it. He said
that he was no beggar to live on charity. I assured him he cer-
tainly was not one and if I were in charge of the refugee camps,
I would not give food on charity. I would tell them that they
were able-bodied and should work and maintain themselves and
weave their own cloth. I would of course tell them to cover
themselves during the night and protect themselves against the
dew. But they needed no covering during the day. The sky was
clear and they should take warmth from the heat of the sun. I did
not stay inside during the day. I enjoyed the sun outside. But he
said that he could not do that. He had young children with him
and he needed a house to live in. I asked him if he was the only
person having children. I found in every camp I visited mothers
with their children. Some women were pregnant and gave birth
to their children right there in the camps. What was his objec-
tion then to living in a refugee camp? I said he should eat what
other refugees were eating and work as others did; he was strong
and sturdy and might as well run a hotel or something. Why then
should he not do something which might bring relief to others?
He asked me: “Why should the Muslims living here not vacate
their houses and go away? Why are they still here?” I was deeply
106 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
pained to hear this. In the first place the Muslims are already
running away in panic and even from among those who have
stayed back some are being slaughtered daily. Everyone goes
and tells them: “Go away, we want to live in your houses.”
If everybody exercises authority, who will be the subjects
and to whom would the country belong? Everybody cannot
wield authority. Nowhere in the world things happen like this.
Of course, it is said that among the savages there is no
leader. But even bandits have a leader. In the case of Ali
Baba and the forty thieves there was at least one leader. Thus
there is no place in the world where all would be leaders or
there would be no leader at all. We, however, do not know
how to wield power and how to rule ourselves. That is the
reason why we are in trouble today. It is deplorable that you
should have designs on the houses of the Muslims who have fled
in panic or have been killed or arrested by the police. It does
not befit you. If at all, you can say that to me because the
house in which I stay is like a palace. You can ask me to leave
this place and go and live in a camp. You can say that it would
make no difference to me, for I have no wife, no sons, no daughters,
that I have gathered these girls from somewhere and call them my
daughters, that I should go to the camps and regard all the girls
there as my daughters. I would listen to you if you said that to
me. I would certainly feel amused, for, even if I ran away, would
you stay here? This house belongs to someone else. It is not
mine. Of course the owner of this house has made me the
owner and insisted that I should keep or prevent anyone from stay-
ing here as I please. How can the Muslims leave their houses?
Only Gandhi is in a position to do that. If he is removed from
here and dumped somewhere no one is going to leave him un-
attended. Somebody would give him milk, fruits, dates and some-
how his things would be managed. He is not going to remain
unclothed. For even clothes would be provided for him. When I
talked like this to that gentleman he felt ashamed.
Then some Sikh gentlemen came to me. They said they were
not like the Sikhs here. The surprising thing was that they did
not carry kirpans. I did not ask them the reason. However, they
did wear metal wristlets on their wrists and I think they also had
beards. They told me they were in great distress. They belonged
to the Hazara district where they owned and tilled land. They
were ready to live by farming if they were provided land and
implements. I was touched by what they said and felt they were
right. I asked them why they did not go to East Punjab. They
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
107
informed me that the East Punjab Government could accommodate
only people coming from West Punjab. They were told that the
Government could not accommodate people coming from every
place. Since they belonged to the Frontier Province they were
asked to approach the Union Government.
Even though the Central Government does not have land, it
would be nice if it could get land for these people. The Govern-
ment should arrange to get for them oxen, ploughs, seeds, etc.
I do not know if there is sufficient land in the province of Delhi.
But those who want to use the plough should be settled somewhere.
Had I been in charge of the Government, I would have set up
a separate camp for them, where they could produce their own
requirements of food. If that is not possible, let the Government
give them loan to meet the expenses of these things. These
people say that they do not have any money now, but they
are industrious and if they could get facilities they would pro-
duce everything and would not sit idle. It seems to me that the
country is losing much because such farmers are just sitting idle
in so many places. They are our brothers and we must do some-
thing for them. I do not know whom I should approach in the
Government. But through you I want to make it known to the
Government that it is our duty to help such people. They ask me
where they could go and stay and how they could eat. I would
say that there should be a separate camp for them. But till that
is arranged they should live and manage their things in the
camps that are already there. If they cannot be given any place
here, any vacant place anywhere in India is as good. They do
not insist on being accommodated only here. They do not even
say that they should be allotted any Muslim house. They say
that they do not want to make others pass through the hardships
they have known. They say they are poor people. They are
strong enough but their strength is not for intimidating others.
They want to live in whatever way they can with fear of God
in their hearts. I told them that their trouble was only a passing
phase. They wondered how that could be — ^just as somebody here
wonders — how it could happen that the people who have come
from Pakistan would go back there and the Muslims who have
run away to Pakistan would return here, as I have been saying.
I told them that it would happen, if not today, then tomorrow.
But the condition is that we on our side should become good.
Let us convince ourselves that there is none who is our enemy.
Even the Muslims are not our enemies. Some people say that even
here the Muslims are fifth-columnists. How could the poor things
108
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
be fifth columnists? Nobody can harass us here and if anyone
dares to do so, God will see to him or our Government will
put him down. If we come to our senses here today, everything
will be well tomorrow; I too will be free. Today I am very
much disturbed. My life has become a burden to me. I wonder
why I am still here. I could become strong if Delhi were re-
stored to sanity, and then I would rush to West Punjab and
tell the Muslims who have gone away from here that I have
prepared the ground for them and they could come back any
time they wanted and live wherever they chose. Such an occasion
is bound to come some time, for how long can crores remain
enemies of each other? It is not possible to kill or drive away
350 to 400 million Muslims who are here in India. One cannot
even dream of it and I do not want to entertain any such dream.
But today I have become a sort of burden. There was a time
when my word was law. But it is no longer so. Should I run
away in that case? Whether I live or die, those who are living
in misery will certainly return to their homes with honour and
respect, not in order to pick up a fight with anyone but to meet
their own brethren. Similarly, the Muslims should come back
here. That is the only thing that can keep us alive and in no
other way can we survive.
[From Hindi]
Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 117-22
97. LETTER TO LILAVATI ASAR
November 26, 1947
CHI. LILI,
Your letter has arrived very promptly. Take care of your
health and devote yourself entirely to your studies. Ponder over
what you read and digest it; then everything will become easy.
My blessings are ever with you. Your studies must be your
first concern. Don’t be scared by anything you hear about me.
If you want to honour my wishes your paramount task is to
pass your examinations. I am already being well looked after.
You will be rendering enough service if I do not have to worry
about you.
You can have the Rs. 100 from me. Do you need the money
urgently? If you do, shall I give you a note to someone or
shall I send the sum by money order?
FRAGMENT OF A LETTER 109
After you left I remember to have taken clove and sugar
only once.
It was good you came — even if you had to pay first-class
fare. You are now about to become a doctor, so occasionally
you must travel first-class.
Blessings from
Bapu
From the Gujarati original: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
98. LETTER TO PRABHUDAS GANDHI
November 26, 1947
CHI. PRABHUDAS*,
I have your letter. Stay calm. I have written you a long
letter, which you should get by now. If I have a copy it will be
enclosed with this. Go to Noakhali only after you have completely
recovered.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
99. ERAGMENT OF A LETTER
November 26, 1947
The Hyderabad problem has erupted in a more unpleasant
manner.2 Kashmir is in the cauldron. I was not in favour of
partition of India because I could foresee these developments.
Hence I am not surprised at this crisis we are facing today. Those
brothers and sisters who joined the Congress or courted imprison-
ment are scrambling for power and fame, as if they had done me a
* Son of Chhaganlal Gandhi
2 The Nizam of Hyderabad had sent a second delegation to Delhi adopt-
ing the line that Hyderabad would prefer to remain an independent sovereign
State “in close association with the two Dominions”.
On November 29 a standstill agreement for one year was signed between
the Nizam and the Government of India, under which “all agreements and
administrative arrangements as to matters of common concern, including
External Affairs, Defence and Communications, which were existing between
the Crown and the Nizam before August 15, 1947, shall . . . continue as
between the Dominion of India and the Nizam.” Vide also pp. 8-9.
110 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
favour in doing what they did. I receive heaps of letters on this
subject every day. They evoke not anger but pity in my mind at
the mentality of our patriots. May God grant good sense to all.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, pp. 361-2
100. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
November 26, 1947
You must have got well by now. Your present duty is to
study. You will gain nothing by giving up studies and coming
to me. I will consider, and so should you, that you are serving
me if you prosecute your studies and render service appropriate to
your education. It is not as if one could serve me only by mas-
saging my feet or making a couple of khakhras^ for me. On the
contrary, those who render to the poor some useful service of my
liking render real service. But your foremost duty is to recover.
Chi. Manudi is well. She takes down copious notes. She feels
the cold a lot. There is, in fact, a Gujarati proverb which says
“The goat nibbles away the cold of a child.” But here it is the
reverse. The old man’s cold has been nibbled away by the goat!
I have written enough today — haven’t I ? Do the duty
that falls to your lot with a steady mind.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — p. 362
101. LETTER TO S. M. QASLM RLZVI
November 26, 1947
BHAI SYED SAHEB^,
I am glad that we met. What you said amazed me. It
was difficult to believe it. I had asked you if I could send you
* Crisp, thin, paper-like chapatis
^ Leader of Ittehad-ul-Mussalmeen, an organization which was terror-
izing the Hindus of the State, opposed accession of the State to India and
wanted independence for the Nizam.
The addressee had persuaded the Nizam to dissolve the first delega-
tion and to appoint another to resume negotiations with the Government
of India. Vide also footnote 2, p. 109.
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
111
copies of some documents in my possession. I have many other
complaints besides these about you and the Muslims of Hydera-
bad but I think these three samples are sufficient.
Syed Mohammed Rizvi
Darussalaam
Hyderabad
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
102. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
November 26, 1947
I know that translations that appear in the newspapers are
sometimes wrong and that is why I myself translate into English.
God knows how it happened in spite of this.
Incidentally only yesterday Khwaja Saheb had come. He
also told me the same. I was very much surprised to hear all
this. How nice it would have been if somebody had killed him !
And he is a man who would have died bravely taking the name
of God.
I wish to go and stay in a Muslim locality. Nothing has been
decided as yet. Let us see. The Hyderabad issue is a difficult
one, Junagadh’s has become a sort of a farce. I don’t think it
was a great achievement on our part. After all, didn’t we have
the support of the Indian army?
[From Hindi]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, pp. 362-3
103. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
November 26, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
A gentleman has written a letter to me. It is accompanied
with a cutting from a Bombay newspaper. It is stated in that
cutting that Gandhi is only carrying on propaganda for the
Congress, but people are not interested in hearing it. If the Con-
gress uses the radio, etc., like this for its own propaganda, it is bound
to bring about dictatorship in the end. It is absolutely incorrect to
say that I sing praises of the Congress I do not sing anybody’s
112 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
praises and, if I do, I sing the praises of the whole world. The
cutting also says that the talk of non-violence is just for show, the
real purpose being self-glorification by the Government. But I would
say that no government which indulges in self-glorification can
survive. And I only want to serve dharma. I speak to you only
about things related to dharma. Maybe, some people are not
interested in hearing what I say. But there are others who write
to tell me that they feel greatly encouraged by what I say. No-
body forces people to listen to me against their wishes. If your
mind is somewhere else, you are free to leave this place without
listening to what I say. If you leave me alone, I would neither
have the prayer here, nor deliver the speeches. I am not particular
about speaking on the radio. I do not like it. Even here I do
not come with a prepared speech.
Many of our women are in Pakistan. They are being molested.
Those unfortunate women are made to feel ashamed. In my
view, they have no reason to feel ashamed. It would be gross in-
justice if any woman is considered worthless by society and aban-
doned by her brothers, parents, and husband because she had been
abducted by the Muslims. It is my belief that any woman who
has the purity ofSita cannot be touched by anyone. But where can
we find women like Sita these days? And not all women can be
like Sita. Should we show contempt for the woman who had been
forcibly abducted and tyrannized? She is not a woman of loose
character. My daughter or wife too could be abducted and
raped. But I would not hate her for that reason. Many such
women had approached me in Noakhali. Many Muslim women
also came. We have all become goondas. I consoled those women.
It is the men who commit rape that should feel ashamed, not
these poor women.
A gentleman* remarks that supposing controls are removed
and people start producing food for themselves in the villages and
villagers start helping in harvesting the crops, etc., the prices
will come down, but the prices will still rise if the farmers have to
hire paid labour. It was customary at one time for one farmer to
invite other farmers to help in harvesting and threshing and thus
take the grains to the house. That practice is now forgotten, but
should be revived. Nothing can be accomplished single-handed.
That friend also suggests that at least one of the Ministers
should be a peasant. Unfortunately, none of our Ministers is a
peasant. The Sardar is a peasant by birth and has some knowledge
* Secretary of a Provincial Congress Committee, who was a farmer
LETTER TO D. B. KALELKAR
113
of agriculture, but he is a barrister by profession. Jawaharlal is
a scholar and a great writer, but what does he know about
farming? More than 80 per cent of our population are peasants.
In a true democracy, there should be the rule of peasants in our
country. They need not become barristers. They should know
how to be good farmers, how to increase their produce and keep
the soil fertile. If we had such peasants, I would ask Jawaharlal
to be their secretary. Our peasant ministers would stay not in a
palace but in a mud-house, and would toil on the land through-
out the day. Then alone can there be a true peasant rule.
[From Hindi]
Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 123-4
104. LETTER TO D. B. KALELKAR
November 27, 1947
CHI. KARA,
I have your letter. I shall have a talk with Jawaharlal
about the two points you mention. Only if he wants can some-
thing be done about it. I was not aware that Beg was to be
replaced.
He must also appreciate what you write about the port.
Let us see how far I can reach. Just now my mind is engaged in
a single task. If I don’t succeed in it there is nothing but dark-
ness before me.
The four associations, viz., the Talimi Sangh, the Hindustani
Prachar Sabha, the A. I. S. A. and the Village Industries Associa-
tion, are meeting here by the 12th of December. You will have
to come for that; we shall do what we can then.
Will Christmas have the same importance now or even a long
holiday for it? However, let the time come and let things take
their own course.
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
90-8
105. LETTER TO SURENDRA MEDH
New Delhi,
November 27, 1947
CHI. MEDH,
I could read your letter only today. It reached here on the
22nd instant. May you have success in your resolve; take it as
my blessing. You do remember your resolve, don’t you, never
to lose temper, to preserve your health in order to render service
and to be fearless. The news you convey from there' is startling,
yet not quite so. I know our people there too well to be startled
by the news. And I am alarmed that we have not yet learnt the
true lesson. Are we ever going to learn it? How can I guide
you from this distance ? And where do I have the energy for
that? Weigh everything on the scales of truth and non-violence
and follow the resultant verdict. And don’t be afraid. It should
never turn out that you had gone there to exploit and instead
were yourself exploited. The best way is not to bother about
what any ‘ism’ says but to associate yourself with any action
after considering its merit. Dr. Dadoo^ has made a favourable
impression on everybody here. Our Government here consults
me on its various actions.
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
106. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
November 27, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
You would have perhaps seen [the report] or you would
see, for you could not have yet seen, that I had called on the
Governor-GeneraP. Any time now it will be in the newspapers.
Subsequently I called on Liaquat Ali also. I got an opportunity
to visit both of them. We talked at length and they are working
on something. I found that Liaquat Ali was not only ill but also
confined to bed. He was having pain in the chest and palpitations.
' South Africa
2 Dr. Y. M. Dadoo
2 Who had resumed office on November 27 on his return from England
114
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
115
He is better now, but has gone very weak. He is staying at the
Viceregal Lodge, hence I went and looked him up. He is the
Prime Minister of Pakistan as Jawaharlal is the Prime Minister
of India. Thus he and the Finance Minister* of Pakistan, whose
name I have forgotten, Sardar Patel and two others met and
they have arrived at some decision. I cannot give the full report.
If it is carried out it is possible that we might to some extent
come out of our present confusion and hardships. But what hap-
pens or does not happen is in the hands of God. Man, after all,
can only try.
You must have read in the papers that Sheikh Abdullah has
also come here. The Kashmiris refer to him as Sher-e-Kashmir.
And so he is. He has done a lot of work; but the remarkable
thing is that he has won over all the Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs.
There Muslims are in a majority, and the Hindus and the Sikhs
are just a handful. None the less, he carries them all with him.
He does nothing that would keep them discontented. Then we
saw that while coming here he also went to Jammu. There
have been considerable excesses by the Hindus there. This has
not been fully reported in the newspapers. The Maharaja and
his new Premier^ also went there. I asked Sheikh Abdullah
jokingly if there were two Premiers. He said he also was not
aware of it but this much he could say, that he was looking
after the affairs of the Government there, whether there were
one or two Prime Ministers. So he too went to Jammu. I do
not know if what happened in Jammu was at the instance of the
Maharaja or his new Premier. But those things happened there
and it is a matter of great shame for us. Still Sheikh Abdullah
did not lose his balance and the Hindus in Jammu fully supported
him. Where then was the need to tell him anything? But he has
still to convince Kashmir and the entire India that the only
way for Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs is to live together in amity
and to trust one another. Then alone can Kashmir and India
live together. His attempts are no doubt in that direction, but
there is one obstruction. It is a mountain region which is at a
height of 10,000 if not 14,000 feet. It snows heavily there. That is
why movement from one place to another is not very easy. The
movement would be easy only through Pakistan. But who could
say that Pakistan would allow the movement? Apart from that,
fighting is already going on with the Afridi invaders who may
* Ghulam Mohammed
2 Mehrchand Mahajan, Judge of the Punjab High Court, was appointed
Prime Minister of Jammu and Kashmir in November
116
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
well be said to belong to Pakistan. Under these circumstances,
how can the Kashmiris come via Pakistan? The Government of the
Indian Union has already sent help to them and they can have a
straight road only through India. There is not much of trade in
Kashmir, but the people of Kashmir are industrious and skilled
in handicrafts. Kashmir is a huge fruit garden. But who would
bring all those things from there and how? Everything cannot
be brought by air. And how can those vendors travel by air ? That
is not possible. So, the only way is through Pathankot in East
Punjab. It is a small road but at least there is one. But the
Hindus of East Punjab have become so bad that no Muslim can
cross that road. The Sheikh says that that is the greatest danger.
He is a very big man but he says that even for him it is difficult
to pass through that way. Not only the police guards but even
ordinary people try to enquire from anyone passing that way who
he is and would like to lift his turban to see if he wears a tuft
and do similar things. If he happens to be a Hindu, or a Sikh,
well and good, but if he is a Muslim then he is doomed. Such
is the situation prevailing there.
So the Governor-General and these four have met. It would
be well if they are able to do something. And they have done
some little bit. But what is the use of their doing anything? If
the people themselves are caught in a frenzy, then nothing can be
done. I would tell the people of East Punjab that enough dam-
age had been done, and now let us forget everything. Or, would
things always be like this? I would say that that road should
be absolutely clear. The Government also should fully carry out
its responsibility. If the Government is not able to do this, what
is the use of our having sent the army by air? Will it help in
carrying on trade in Kashmir? If not, is the Indian Union go-
ing to feed the Kashmiris? That is not possible. If today our
Government has come to possess millions of rupees, would it go
on squandering that money? I hear that every officer in the Gov-
ernment is going to have a secretary. I just do not know what he
would do or what monthly salary he would get. If we go on squan-
dering money at this rate, we will perish in no time. Ours is not
a land of millionaires. It is a poor country where people earn even
a few copper coins with great difficulty. There are only a handful of
millionaires or businessmen. And how much money do even these
people have? If it is squandered like this, it will all be spent in
no time. Then there is the whole country to be looked after. We
cannot waste money like that. So the Government will have
to see how that road can be made safe so that anybody can pass
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
117
on safely. Kashmiris make beautiful clothes which can be brought
by that road. Shawls and other handicrafts can also be brought.
So also the Kashmir dry fruits. Today you can get a Kashmir
apple with great difficulty. Kashmir has acceded to the Indian
Union, but how long can it remain with India in this way?
If Kashmir does not find a safe thoroughfare, I do not know
what would happen. Now, after mentioning the third point, I
will wind up for the day.
I have just received copies of the Dawn and the Pakistan Times.
Both these are prominent dailies of Pakistan. When something
appears in the Dawn or the Pakistan Times we cannot dismiss it.
That way the people of Pakistan can dismiss the reports in
The Hindustan Times or The Bombay Chronicle, can’t they? So this
is a useless argument. I think the Dawn and the Pakistan Times
are also good papers which are read by Muslims and run by
leading Muslims. They write about the Muslims of Kathiawar
in their papers. When the Sardar went to Junagadh I was happy
to see that even the Muslims had welcomed him there. They said
it was good he went there because they were in great trouble.
When the Princes and the people of Kathiawar are all on one side,
how long could Junagadh remain apart? Hence, I was happy
that the whole problem was solved without any violence. They
did not remain strictly non-violent, but whatever violence they
used was after great thought and consideration. I was very happy
to know all that. But now I hear and even the Dawn expresses
the view that the Muslims in Kathiawar cannot live in peace.
I have received a telegram from a Muslim at the right moment.
Kathiawar is a region where the Muslims used to live in peace
and nobody ever disturbed them. There were good Muslims there
and also rebellious Muslims. They did not quarrel with one
another, but struggled for livelihood. Now, in that same Kathia-
war such a situation has developed that they wonder if they can
live there at all. In such a situation, should all Muslims in Kathia-
war run away or should the Hindus slaughter them all? They are
terribly harassed, and for me, this is unbearable because I was
born in Kathiawar, and I know all the Princes and thousands of
people there. Shamaldas Gandhi, who is like a son to me, has
become all in all there. He has also formed a Provisional Govern-
ment there. What is the use of that Provisional Government if,
in spite of it, innocent Muslims are killed? When people thus
take the law into their own hands, how can the Muslims feel safe
there? I cannot say what will happen if this state of affairs
spreads to all other places. I do not know if all those things
118
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
actually happened there, but I have read the report in the Dawn
and have also received some telegrams. Later I asked some
Hindus about it, and they said that there had been some cases
of arson and loot, but they could not say if there were any cases
of murder or abduction of Muslim women. But the Dawn
reports that all the four things happened and that too on a wide
scale. I had received several telegrams but only one telegram
was shown to me and by mistake the others were not shown.
Perhaps some fifty telegrams would have come to me from Mus-
lims at different places. And they have a right to tell me that
my son has become all-powerful there. But how can I take the
responsibility for everything that my son may do? At the same
time, how can I convince the world or the Muslims that way?
What they write is true. But when could I have conveyed my
feelings to my son? I read about it only today. Hence, through
you I wish to convey not only to my son but to the whole of
Kathiawar that if the Hindus have become so bad — they can be
only Hindus because there are no Sikhs living there except
perhaps some who might have settled there to earn their livelihood
— then Kathiawar cannot remain undivided. We have taken
Junagadh, no doubt, but we have done it in such a way that
we are going to lose it — just as we won our freedom but to
lose it. Then they remind me of what the Sardar had said in
Junagadh. He had said that nobody would touch even a Muslim
child provided he was loyal to Kathiawar, that is, the whole of
India. He said he would see how anyone could even touch a young
Muslim girl. He could say that because he is at once the Sardar
and the Home Minister of India. He had a right to say that.
But after his saying it, what has happened? It pains me to see
that such things could happen in Kathiawar and people could
become so mad. We have lost our dharma, our ability to work,
and in this way we are going to lose our country. It was my
duty to put all these things before you. These things are not
reported in our newspapers. But I get all the news. It was of
course my duty to make inquiries, but where do I have time
for it? Hence, I have told you what I have heard. Even when
I met Liaquat Ali I told him that I would like to ask him a
question if he permitted. He agreed. Then I asked him if he was
aware of what was happening in Kathiawar. He said he knew
everything — that such things had happened and all the four things
had taken place — but he could not say on what scale. He is
the Prime Minister of Pakistan. That is why he openly told me
everything, whereas I was talking with great restraint. Then I
NO COMPARISON POSSIBLE 119
thought I would convey to you this evening how pained I am
by all this.
Kathiawar is my home. When that very home is on fire,
what chance do I have to say anything? What can I say to the
residents of Delhi? Something or the other is always happening
everywhere around me. How can I remain unmoved in such a
situation? No sensible human being can remain unmoved in
such an atmosphere. This is my sad tale, rather, the sad tale
of the whole of India, that I have placed before you.
[From Hindi]
Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 125-31
107. NO COMPARISON POSSIBLE
A friend asked me the other day whether I shared the opinion
often expressed that as between nationalism and religion, the
former was superior to the latter. I said that the two were dis-
similars and that there could be no comparison between dissimi-
lars. Each was equal to the other in its own place. No man
who values his religion as also his nationalism can barter away
the one for the other. Both are equally dear to him. He renders
unto Caesar that which is Caesar’s and unto God that which is
God’s. And if Caesar, forgetting his limits, oversteps them, a man
of God does not transfer his loyalty to another Caesar, but knows
how to deal with the usurpation. A rehearsal of this difficulty
gave rise to satyagraha.
Take a homely illustration. Suppose I have mother, wife and
daughter. All the three must be equally dear to me in their own
places. It is a vulgar error to think that a man is entitled to
forsake his mother and his daughter for the sake of his wife.
He dare not do the converse. And if any of the three oversteps
her limits, the law of satyagraha comes to his assistance for the
restoration of the equilibrium of the three forces.
New Delhi, November 28, 1947
Harijan, 7-12-1947
108. LETTER TO P. KODANDA RAO
November 28, 1947
MY DEAR KODANDA RAO,
I have your letter. I knew nothing about Mr. Satchell’s case
before receiving your letter. Nothing remains to be done by me
about the case, though I am not quite clear about it from your
letter. I suppose Mr. Satchell is free to be in India as long as
he likes. If he ever comes to Delhi, where I am fixed for the
time being, I shall be delighted to meet him, who, from the
account you give me, is a brave man.
I never knew that Father Lash had become Bishop of Bombay.
Is it a matter for condolence or congratulation?
I hope Mary' is all the better for the little relaxation she
had in America, if it was relaxation.
I am told that things are not quite so bad there as they are
here. I do not need to go farther from here to make the acquaint-
ance of hell.
With love to you two,
M. K. Gandhi
Shri P. Kodanda Rao
Servants of India Society
Nagpur, C. P.
From a photostat: G. N. 6281
109. LETTER TO MANKUMAR NAG
New Delhi,
November 28, 1947
DEAR MANKUMAR,
Pyarelal had written to me about your difficulty. Now your
letter. I am powerless to do anything. You should approach
some monied man.
Tours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
* Addressee’s wife
120
no. LETTER TO MANIBEHN
November 28, 1947
CHI. MANIBEHN,
I have your letter. I can understand your inability to come
over after the receipt of the two resignations. It is your clear
duty to bury yourself in your present work. I can understand
the resignation by Vithaldash I was, however, not prepared for
the one by Kakubhai^. Who can know a man’s nature? If his
views on non-violence undergo a change, all that will remain will
be trading in khadi which can be of no interest to him. I would
certainly wish that with the change of his views he does not go
over to the other extreme. I am returning both the letters.
Please let both the brothers read my letter. We are all put
to test to prove whether the metal we are made of is brass or
gold.
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
111. ERAGMENT OE A LETTER
November 28, 1947
It is my misfortune that Kasturba is not alive today. ^ Had
she been alive, she would have actually demonstrated the kind
of bravery that is expected from women in the present circum-
stances. And whatever place our women have achieved today is
due to Kasturba’s courage, purity and steadfast faith. She might
have been a totally uneducated woman, but she possessed all the
virtues which a woman should have. On the strength of these
virtues, India and I have risen high. I do not hesitate to say that
the country or any of her citizens can hardly repay the debt.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, p. 380
’ V. V. Jerajani
^ Purushottam K. Jerajani
^ The addressee had written: “Unfortunately Kasturba is not alive
today. Had she been alive and had she been abducted, you would have
understood our feelings.”
121
112. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
November 28, 1947
I know that khadi and all allied activities have slackened
because we have achieved swaraj. I am caught in the flames at
the moment. If I succeed in this work, the other activities will
take care of themselves. But in the present climate, what can
one hope for all these activities? Finally, of course, India will
get what is ordained for her. What can we do?
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^I, p. 380
113. SPEECH AT GURU NANAK BIRTHDAY EUNCTION
November 28, 1947
I fear that I might not be able to say all that I want to. I
had also hoped that you, having gone through the military
machine, would observe perfect silence. But the discipline has
not reached the sisters and, therefore, they are not able to observe
the laws of public meetings. I had the same experience when,
some years ago, I was in Amritsar. You will admit that the
fault lies with the men. As I entered the meeting place I saw
the remains of bananas and oranges thrown about anyhow. These
have not only made the place dirty, but dangerous to walk. We
should learn to keep the roads and footpaths as clean as the
floors in our houses. In the absence of proper receptacles I have
noticed disciplined people putting these in a piece of paper and
then temporarily in their pockets until they are cast in their
places. It is the duty of men, if they have learnt the rules of
social conduct, to teach them to the womenfolk.
Today Baba Bachittar Singh came to me in the morning
and insisted that I should attend the Guru Nanak birthday
celebrations. He told me that probably over a lakh of men
and women had assembled there, and that most of them would
be sufferers from West Pakistan. I hesitated because I felt that
many Sikhs had been displeased with me. The Baba nevertheless
insisted and said that I should say my say before the meeting.
122
SPEECH AT GURU NANAK BIRTHDAY FUNCTION
123
I yielded and felt that even as a mother often gives bitter pills
to her children, I would take the liberty of saying things, which
might appear to be bitter. In reality and in effect they are
meant for your good. My mother often used to administer bitter
drugs, but I could not feel elsewhere the comfort that her
lap provided for me. Whatever I have said to you up to now,
I do not regret. I have said those things as your sincere friend
and servant. I have with me Sardar Datar Singh’s daughter.
You perhaps know him. He has lost his all in the Punjab.
He was the owner of large tracts of land and several hundred
fine cattle. He has lost many relatives and dear friends in Mont-
gomery, but I am glad to be able to tell you that he has
not shed a single tear over the misfortune, nor has he felt any
bitterness towards the Muslims. I would like you to follow his
example. Sikh friends have told me that one Sikh is considered
equal to 1,25,000 men. Where is that bravery today? Have
things come to such a pass that a minority of Muslims cannot
live in your midst in perfect safety?
I am free to admit that the mischief commenced in Pakistan,
but the Hindus and the Sikhs of East Punjab and the neigh-
bouring districts have not been behindhand in copying the mis-
chief. The difference is that the Hindus have not the courage of
the Sikhs, who know how to use the sword.
You see Sheikh Abdullah with me. I was disinclined to
bring him with me, for I know there is a great gulf between the
Hindus and the Sikhs on the one side and the Muslims on the
other. But the Sheikh, known as the Lion of Kashmir, although
a pucka Muslim, has won the hearts of both by making them
forget that there is any difference between the three. He had not
been embittered. Even though in Jammu recently the Muslims
were killed by the Hindus and the Sikhs, he went to Jammu and
invited the evil-doers to forget the past and repent over the evil
they had done. The Hindus and the Sikhs of Jammu listened to
him. Now the Muslims and the Hindus and the Sikhs of Kashmir
and Jammu are fighting together to defend the beautiful valley
of Kashmir. I am glad, therefore, that you are receiving the
two of us with cordiality.
Let this auspicious day mark the beginning of a new chapter
in your life. Let the disgrace of driving out the Muslims from
Delhi cease from today. I found to my shame that as our motor-
car was passing through Chandni Chowk, which used to be filled
with Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims, I did not notice a single Muslim
passer-by. Surely we have not come to such a pass as to be
124
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
afraid of the minority of the Muslims scattered throughout the
Indian Union. If there are any traitors in their midst, our
Government is strong enough to deal with them. We must be
ashamed of hurting children, women or old men. Every man must
be considered innocent before he is found guilty by a properly
constituted court of law.
I fervently hope that such misdeeds will become now a thing
of the past. The kirpan is a symbol of sanctity to be exhibited and
spent in defence of the helpless and the innocent. The tenth and
the last Guru’ undoubtedly wielded the sword, but never, so far
as I know, at the expense of the weak. He had imposed many
restraints upon himself. He had many reputed Muslim disciples.
So had the other Gurus beginning with Nanak Saheb. Your
bravery will be testified when all those who belong to different
faiths including Muslims become your sincere friends.
Intoxicating drinks, drugs, dancing, debauchery and the vices
to which many of us become addicted are not for the followers
of the Gurus and the Granthsakeb. With the Granthsaheb as my
witness, I ask you to make the resolution that you will keep your
hearts clean and you will find that all other communities will
follow you.
Harijan, 7-12-1947
114. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
November 28, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
You know that today is Guru Nanak’s birthday. Someone
had sent an invitation to me also but at that time I had told
him that I should be excused. But today Baba Bachittar Singh
came to me and insisted that I should go. He came to me
at 10 o’clock and we had to go in an hour’s time. I then
decided that I should go. Although I have done nothing from
my side, my Sikh friends are angry with me today. Of
course I have tried to push a bitter pill down their throat. But
that is how things go on in the world. The Baba insisted on
my going there all the same. He said there must be thousands of
Sikh men and women — and some of them must be really in
distress — who are eager to hear me. I agreed and told him
Guru Govind Singh
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
125
that he should take me with him at 11 o’clock. He came at 11
a.m. with Sheikh Abdullah. He was also to be taken there. I
asked him how Sheikh Abdullah could come there since the
Sikhs and the Muslims could not bear to look at one another.
But he said that Sheikh Abdullah had done one great thing.
He had kept the Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims united in Kashmir
and created a situation in which they would wish to live and
die together. So I thought that Sheikh Abdullah too should go
with us, and we took him along. I was very glad about it. There
were thousands of Sikh men and women. I spoke but little; but
Sheikh Abdullah spoke fairly at length, and people heard him
with attention. There was no trace of disapproval even in their
eyes, then where was the question of their creating noise ? After
all, we had been invited there. And then the Sikhs are a brave
community, so it all turned out well. I felt I should pass on this
little information to you.
I have received a letter from Bengal. It is from the Muslim
Chamber of Commerce. I cannot reply to that letter; but I
have thought about it and also enquired from Ghanshyamdas
if he knew anything about it. He told me that the Muslim
Chamber of Commerce wants to have dealings with the Govern-
ment and wants to correspond with it. But the Government
belongs to everyone, whether he be Hindu, Muslim or Parsi.
Then, how can the Muslims, Hindus, Parsis and the Englishmen
have separate Chambers of Commerce? Hence the Government
has refused to recognize it. That gentleman says in his letter that
it is indeed strange that while the Marwari and the European
Chambers of Commerce are allowed to exist, only the Muslim
Chamber is not being granted the permission. I could appreciate
his point and it pained me. If the Government does not wish to
have any dealings with the Muslim Chamber of Commerce, it
cannot have anything to do with the Marwari Chamber of Com-
merce and should not have anything to do with the European
Chamber of Commerce, either. All these existed till now and
the European Chamber of Commerce came into being because
Europeans were in power and since we were being ruled by them
the Viceroy used to be its President. And since he had to go
to Calcutta during Christmas, he used to deliver long speeches
there. But now that practice cannot be continued. How can the
Europeans, Muslims and Marwaris have separate Chambers of
Commerce? There can be only one Indian Chamber of Com-
merce. If the Hindus, Muslims and Parsis start having their
separate Chambers of Commerce, what is the use of India’s
126
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
independence? Especially the Europeans should yield now. They
should not do anything by remaining in isolation. They should
refuse to have any special privileges, and insist on having the
same rights as others. That would become a great hallmark of
India’s independence. The European Chamber of Commerce
used to invite the Viceroy every year. But, in my view, they can-
not invite our Prime Minister or Deputy Prime Minister or even
Lord Mountbatten. Lord Mountbatten can certainly go and meet
them as a European. But the Chamber as such cannot invite him.
I am a small man, but I have no doubt about my opinion. Simi-
larly, the Marwari Chamber of Commerce cannot invite any-
body from the Government. It can invite anyone as a Marwari,
but not on behalf of the Chamber. They all exist because
India exists. Even the Muslims cannot live here as a separate
community. Let them live here as Indians. In the same man-
ner, all Sikhs, Hindus and Europeans can live here only as
Indians. They can all stay here as loyal citizens of India, and
in no other capacity. Hence I thought that I should convey to
them this important point. It is better that they hear my voice
before they receive what I write from here. If the Muslims
insist on having a separate existence politically and otherwise,
then that wish cannot be granted. The Europeans can live here
as Christians and practise the wonderful things in Christianity.
This, after all, is their social or religious sphere. But as far as
administration and politics are concerned, they must all be treated
on an equal basis. Similarly, trade also belongs to everybody.
If the Marwaris, Gujaratis, Punjabis want to have their exclusive
shares, what would remain for India? We cannot carry on our
work in this manner.
I forgot to mention one thing, which I should not have for-
gotten. I had mentioned it at the meeting of the Sikhs. But
here too there are Sikhs and also Hindus. And what applies
to one also applies to the other. Then I would say that we
must regard today as the New Year day for the Sikhs. Hence,
from today, the Sikhs have a duty to consider all the rest as
their brethren. Guru Nanak taught no other thing. He even
went to Mecca and has written quite a lot [about communal
harmony]. There are many such references in the Guru Granth-
saheb. What did Guru Govind do ? Many Muslims were his
disciples and he even killed some people to accommodate them
and protect them. He never killed anyone just for the sake of
saving a Sikh. He did wield the sword, but he had accepted
certain restrictions for its use. Thus, the Muslims may have done
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
127
anything, but we do not have to imitate them. Let us all re-
main good and do our duty. When I went to address the meet-
ing of the Sikhs today, I was pained that I did not find a single
Muslim on the road. What would be more shameful for us than
the fact that not a single Muslim could be found in Chandni
Chowk? I found the area crowded with men and unending rows
of cars. But there was no Muslim among them. The only Mus-
lim, Sheikh Abdullah, was seated next to me. How can we suc-
ceed in these circumstances?
A gentleman writes to me about the renovation of the
Somnath templeh This needs money and the Provisional Govern-
ment at Junagadh, formed by Shamaldas Gandhi, has sanctioned
Rs. 50,000 for it. One lakh is promised from Jamnagar. When
the Sardar came here I asked him whether even though he was
in the Government, he would acquiesce in its giving as much
money as it liked for Hinduism from its treasury. After all, we
have formed the Government for all. It is a ‘secular’ government,
that is, it is not a theocratic government, rather, it does not
belong to any particular religion. Hence it cannot spend money
on the basis of communities. For it, the only thing that matters
is that all are Indians. Individuals can follow their own religions.
I have my religion and you have yours to follow.
Another gentleman has written well in a note. He says
that it would be gross adharma if either the Junagadh Government
or the Union Government gives money for the renovation of the
Somnath temple. I think he has made an absolutely correct
point. I then asked the Sardar if that was true. He said that that
was not possible so long as he was alive. He said not a single
pie could be taken out from the treasury of Junagadh for the
renovation of the Somnath temple. If he was not going to do it,
he said, what could poor Shamaldas do alone ? There were enough
number of Hindus who could donate money for the Somnath
temple. If they became miserly and did not part with money, let
the temple remain in its present state. There were already a lakh
and a half rupees and Jamsaheb had already given a lakh. They
would be able to manage for more.
I have learnt one thing more. You must have known that
the Muslims in Pakistan have abducted our young girls. Attempts
are being made and must be made to rescue them. Let us try
to get back every abducted girl who is still alive there. If
* Which was desecrated and destroyed by Mahmood Gazni during his
invasion in 1025 A. D.
128
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
these girls have been raped, have they lost everything by it?
At least, I do not think so. I had even talked about it yester-
day. Coercion cannot make one change his religion. But I hear
that there is some talk of making some payment to reclaim these
girls. Some hoodlums come forward to bring back the girls if
they are paid Rs. 1,000 per girl. Has this thing become a busi-
ness then? If somebody kidnapped one of these three girls with
me and then demanded at least a hundred if not a thousand
rupees, I would tell him that he had better kill the girl. My
daughter would return if God wished to save her. Why should
he bargain with me for her? Not only did he abduct the girl
but he also indulged in bullying. Having abandoned his own
religion he had come to bully me because she was my daughter.
I would refuse to give him even a cowrie. Similarly no parent
should make such bargains for his daughter. They must think
that their daughters are with God and God is everywhere. If a
girl loses her husband, where would she go? It is of course a
different matter if the girl wants to come over from there and
we give her the fare if she does not have it. But if a hoodlum
comes and demands ransom money, his demand just cannot be
accepted. I give such instances from there and also from here,
because on our side too we have done such things and abducted
Muslim girls. Would our Government indulge in such meanness?
Should the East Punjab Government or the Union Government
ask Jinnah Saheb to pay one lakh rupees for the return of Muslim
girls in its custody? I would not give a single cowrie to the
Government. How could it demand money as a reward for such
abominable deeds? The Government should admit its mistake,
make a solemn promise never to repeat it and return the girl
along with a compensation. We are not going to achieve any-
thing if we ourselves do not become pure and brave.
I had discussed Kathiawar yesterday. I told you whatever
I had read in the Pakistani newspapers and subsequently heard
from some Hindus. But today I consulted the Sardar when he
came to me. I told him that when he went there he had made
big speeches assuring that no one would touch a single Muslim
boy or girl there, but then I heard that Muslims were being looted
and beaten up, their property was burnt and their young girls
kidnapped. He said that as far as he was aware, certainly not
a single Muslim was killed nor a single Muslim house looted or
burnt. All these things happened there in the chaos prevailing
before he visited the place. There were some cases of looting
and probably one house was burnt. But as for killing and
LETTER TO YVONNE PRIVAT
129
abducting, these two things did not take place there even then.
An agent of the central Government or some Commissioner was
always present there. He had been ordered to see that such
things were not allowed. He had been instructed to have perfect
bandobast so that nobody even touched any Muslim, let
alone robbing or killing. Subsequently, no such thing happened.
I asked the Sardar if I could mention the thing in the prayer
meeting in the evening. He said I could certainly do so. He said
that if something had happened there, he would have pursued
the matter. He also said that the Hindu Congressmen there at
great risk to their lives saved the Muslims and their property.
No hooliganism could persist there. The Sardar said that as long
as he was there and was in charge of the Home Department,
he would not allow such a thing to happen. I was very happy
to hear all that and asked his permission to refer to it in public.
He said that I could gladly do so and also mention his name.
I was so happy that yesterday I had talked about it and today
itself I got this information.
[From Hindi]
Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 131-8
115. LETTER TO TVONME PRIVATE
Birla House,
New Delhi,
November 29, 1947
DEAR BHAKTI^,
I was so glad to receive your argued letter of 27th August.
I see that you have grasped the fundamental difference between
passive resistance and non-violent resistance. Resistance both
forms are, but you have to pay a very heavy price when your
resistance is passive, in the sense of the weakness of the resister.
Europe mistook the bold and brave resistance full of wisdom by
Jesus of Nazareth for passive resistance, as if it was of the weak.
As I read the New Testament for the first time I detected no
passivity, no weakness about Jesus as depicted in the four gospels
and the meaning became clearer to me when I read Tolstoy’s
Harmony of the Gospels and his other kindred writings. Has not the
* Extracts from this and the addressee’s letter to Gandhiji appeared
in Harijan, 7-12-1947, under the title “Do Not Lose Heart”.
^ The name given by Gandhiji to the addressee
90-9
130
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
West paid heavily in regarding Jesus as a passive resister? Chris-
tendom has been responsible for the wars which put to shame
even those described in the Old Testament and other records,
historical or semi-historical. I know that I speak under correction
for I can but claim very superficial knowledge of history — modern
or ancient.
Coming to my own personal experience, whilst we undoubtedly
got through passive resistance our political freedom, over which
lovers of peace like you and your good husband' of the West are
enthusiastic, we are daily paying the heavy price for the un-
conscious mistake we made or, better still, I made in mistaking
passive resistance for non-violent resistance. Had I not made the
mistake, we would have been spared the humiliating spectacle of a
weak brother killing his weak brother thoughtlessly and inhumanly.
I am only hoping and praying and I want all the friends
here and in other parts of the world to hope and pray with me
that this blood-bath will soon end and out of that, perhaps, in-
evitable butchery, will rise a new and robust India — not warlike,
basely imitating the West in all its hideousness, but a new India
learning the best that the West has to give and becoming the
hope not only of Asia and Africa, but of the whole of the aching
world.
I must confess that this is hoping against hope, for we are
today swearing by the military and all that naked physical force
implies. Our statesmen have for over two generations declaimed
against the heavy expenditure on armaments under the British
regime, but now that freedom from political serfdom has come,
our military expenditure has increased and still threatens to
increase and of this we are proud! There is not a voice raised
against it in our legislative chambers. In spite, however, of the
madness and the vain imitation of the tinsel of the West, the
hope lingers in me and many others that India shall survive
this death dance and occupy the moral height that should
belong to her after the training, however imperfect, in non-
violence, for an unbroken period of 32 years since 1915.
As to the last paragraph of your letter, I must confess my
ignorance of psycho-analysis. Richard Gregg of U. S. A. has put
the problem in a more concrete form than you have. You must
have seen his letter and my reply^ in the columns of Harijan.
I hope this will find you both in the same vigour in which
you used to be during those happy days that you passed with me
* Edmond Privat, whom Gandhiji addressed as “Anand”
^ Vide pp. 1-3.
FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
131
in India. I wonder if you will ever again come to India and see it,
not in her madness, but wisdom, inspiring every department of life.
Love to you both.
Bapu
Madame Edmond Privat
1 Avenue de la gare
Neuchatel, Switzerland
From a photostat: G. N. 2342
116. LETTER TO ANASUTA SARABHAI
New Delhi,
November 29, 1947
CHI. ANASUYABEHN^,
You have asked for a message for the “Majoor Din”^. My
life is my message. If the workers have assimilated the teaching
of ahimsa, there should be no division of Hindus and Muslims
among them and no trace of untouchability among the Hindu
workers. Why should there be any divisions among workers? If
the worker wants equality with the owner, he should look upon
the mill as his own property and protect it. The Ahmedabad work-
ers have already learnt how to fight injustice. But they have
many more lessons to learn before they can hope to become part-
ners with the original owners of the mills. Do they know this?
Let them remember it and march forward.
Blessings to all the labourers
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Harijanbandhu, 7-12-1947. Also from a facsimile in Majoor Sandesh, 5-12-1973
117. ERAGMENT OE A LETTER
November 29, 1947
I don’t know how long I shall have to stay here. Perhaps
I may have to stay here for ever. Every day the situation seems
to be getting out of control.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^I, p. 389
* Sister of Ambalal Sarabhai; President, Majoor Mahajan, a union of
mill workers in Ahmedabad
^ Labour Day, which was to be observed on December 4
118. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
November 29, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
I told you yesterday that it was a day of momentous im-
portance for the Sikhs. It should hold the same importance for
us too. If they have truly started a new life and desire to follow
the principles laid down by Guru Nanak for all of us, then
Delhi should not be in the grip of the things that it is in at
present.
I have read in the newspapers and also heard otherwise that
a large number of people in Delhi are given to drinking. We
already know the things people can do under the influence of
alcohol. Now I am told that drinking has become a difficult
problem and has spread over the entire city, so much so that it
has become extremely difficult to control it. If a new chapter has
started from yesterday liquor consumption should become even
less than before. Alcohol can only make us mad. Why then be
a slave to it? How can I tell you everything? All kinds of things
are brought to my notice.
This is one thing. As for the other, I am told that the
mosques which we had damaged are still in that state, and the
mosques which were turned into temples are closed since the
police or the military guards them. But even this hurts me.
For how can such a thing be allowed if we have opened a new
chapter from yesterday? The Sikhs could not have converted
the mosques into temples. The Sikhs are a great community, and,
if they decide to remain pure from today and do only pure deeds
I have no doubt that it is bound to inffuence the Hindus. Then
the Sikhs would become propagators of truth and justice. This
would become their profession, i. e., to stand for peace and nothing
but peace everywhere. If this happens, the very face of the
country would change. Hence, those who have converted the
mosques into temples should promptly remove the idols from there,
and restore the mosques. In that event, what need would there
be for the police or the military guarding those places? When
all people become good, there need be no police.
132
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
133
The third thing is that a large number of our girls have
been carried away to Pakistan. We do not know where they
have been taken. I had said yesterday that we should not give
even a cowrie to get back the abducted girls. Those who have
committed the crime of abducting our girls should restore them
to us, and also do penance at the same time. It would not do to
give any money to claim the girls back. But there is a very alarm-
ing report. It is reported that in the East Punjab we are ill-
treating the Muslim girls, whom we have forcibly kept. I just
cannot understand how we could have stooped so low. I must
admit that I cannot bear to see this. We should regard those
girls as our mothers or daughters. Those Muslim girls are like
my own daughters. How can I indulge in pleasures, be alive and
eat and drink while somebody ill-treats my daughters? I have a
feeling that there is some exaggeration in this report. But on
that ground it should not be disregarded. And, if there is some
exaggeration it is only for good, because it would then make us
think how low a man could stoop. This is something which we
would shudder to think. We have opened a new chapter from
yesterday, for, if the Sikhs have done so, the Hindus and the
Muslims have done it too. Let us forget about the Muslims
as we have made them helpless in the Indian Union. But the
Hindus and the Sikhs are not helpless. And so, they must
think what they should do. True, we are not indulging in such
acts here. But when someone commits a crime anywhere I feel
I am the culprit. You too should feel the same. If I were
to commit any crime you should also think that you too were
guilty of it. Let us all merge in each other like drops of
ocean. If the drops of ocean remain apart they would dry up.
But when they mingle together in the ocean they can carry huge
ships across their expanse. As with the ocean so with us. After all
we also are an ocean of human beings. If one person commits a
crime, it amounts to all of us committing it. Then it ceases to be a
crime. We must all become alert. That is why I talked about these
things. But now I would like to come to the subject of controls.
Control on sugar has been removed. I hope and wish that
controls on cloth and food would also be removed. But how
would those controls go and what would be our duty after that?
Since control on sugar has been removed, I would first talk about
it. Now there are big sugar factories. But the owners of the fac-
tories should not consider themselves free to squeeze as much
money from the people as they fancy. If they raise the price of
sugar, people would be reduced to poverty. Fortunately the entire
134 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
population of India does not consume sugar. People should con-
sume gur^ for there is no control on it. The villagers can easily
make gur in their own homes, but they cannot make sugar. There
are huge factories in India where millionaires employ workers to
produce sugar. But gur can be produced wherever sugar-cane
is grown. Moreover, gur is a very healthy thing to eat if it
is clean. When I was a child my father used to take me or I
used to go with his attendants to the villages where sugar-cane
was grown. People of those villages used to give us fresh and
clean gur to eat. Gur is a sort of food which sugar can never
be. So, the poor people should only eat gur. But today, some
of them have started taking tea and in their tea they put sugar
rather than gur. I would like to tell them that they should put
gur in their tea; but would they listen to me? And when the
price of sugar goes up, they think it would be better to have
control on sugar so that they could have it cheaper. Under these
circumstances, it is the supreme duty of the sugar merchants and
factory-owners to have a mutual arrangement so that the entire
country knows that with the freedom we have won we would earn
only clean money. We would not cheat or deceive people and
would root out all unclean and corrupt practices. If that does
not happen, I would be blamed because I have worked quite a
bit for the removal of controls, and am still working for it. If
the sugar merchants and factory-owners increase their margin of
profit, the price of sugar is bound to rise. If they take five per
cent profit, it can be called honest earning. But it cannot be
called honest earning if they pocket 10 or 20 per cent profit. Five
per cent is more than sufficient and they should not take more
than that. And, then, other controls would automatically go. Let
not the Government get a chance to say that controls were re-
moved because we wanted them to be removed and ask how the
poor are now going to survive when they do not get sugar at
all. That should not be the case. The factory-owners should
become honest and form a committee to fix a uniform price of
sugar. No factory-owner should charge more than that price.
At the same time, the farmers who grow sugar-cane should not
get less than their due. If the price rises because the cultivators
are given more, then it becomes a matter of honest earning. They
should maintain proper accounts and make a public announce-
ment of what they pay to the farmers now as against what they
were paid earlier, that the amount goes straight into the pockets
’ Jaggery
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
135
of the cultivators and no middleman could swallow it and that
as against the ten or twenty per cent they used to take, they
are not taking even five and a quarter per cent now. Supposing
the factory-owners do not take more than five per cent but if
the middlemen charge higher prices, consumers of sugar will be
really doomed. In that case, the factory-owners should sell sugar
directly to the consumers. I have no doubt that things would
run smoothly under such an arrangement.
A gentleman writes to say that the train fares for third-
class travellers have been increased, though the increase is less
compared to that of the first and second classes, but he asks, and
rightly, why the third-class fares had to be raised even by this
much. Granted that our aims of progress are high and we re-
quire more funds to achieve them. Then, if need be, we can in-
crease the levy on tobacco and many other imported as well as
indigenously produced non-essential items. It may serve our
purpose to some extent. The men in power in the Government
ought to consider and examine the feasibility of this proposition.
But the point certainly needs to be understood, and the Govern-
ment should also know that I have got people who give such
useful suggestions. They are not unintelligent people. Rather,
they are very sensible. If today we have millions of rupees with
us, it does not mean that we should squander away everything.
We should spend even small amounts, out of those millions, after
careful consideration. And it is enough for me if these small
amounts thus spent benefit the poor villagers of India. Out of
the crores of rupees drawn from our villages, how much are we
able to return to them? A true Panchayati Raj or democracy has
got to draw its resources from the people but, in return, they
should benefit the people tenfold. For instance, if I take money
from the people for education, I should give such education to
their children and have such an estimate of expenditure that they
should get back their money tenfold. For example, if I start sani-
tation work in the villages and build roads for the village people,
they would know that the money they give is being used for
their own benefit. As a result, we would not be as crazy about
our military as we are now. Then we would decide to spend as
little as possible on the army and as much as possible on the
general public. In such a situation, people themselves become the
army and start acquiring knowledge of military affairs. When
they are thus able to defend themselves and their neighbours, the
defence of India is automatically ensured. As it is no one can
have designs on India.
136
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
But right now, even though the British have gone, the atmos-
phere of the British rule has not yet gone. Let us change that
atmosphere. The British used to spend extravagantly and the
people did not get any return from such expenditure. But now the
people should get back everything they give. Then it would
be well for the country. This is all I would like to say today.
[From Hindi]
Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 138-43
119. ITS WISE USE
This letter* is from a correspondent who knows everything
about this tragedy. I have not the least doubt that this tragedy
can be turned to good account by the correct behaviour of the
sufferers, as also that of the people amongst whom their lot is
cast for the time being. In this consummation, I have no doubt
that all specially qualified men and women such as doctors, law-
yers, vaids, hakims, nurses, traders and bankers should make com-
mon cause with the others and lead a co-ordinated camp life in
perfect co-operation, feeling not like helpless dependents on
charity, but resourceful, independent men and women making
light of their sufferings and looking forward to a life enriched
by their sufferings, a life full of promise for the future and worthy
of imitation by the people amongst whom the camp life is lived.
Then when the professional people have been inured to
corporate unselfish life and when they can be spared from these
camps, they would branch out into villages or otherwise, shedding
the fragrance of their presence wherever they may happen to be.
New Delhi, November 30, 1947
Harijan, 7-12-1947
* The letter is not reproduced here. The correspondent, a refugee be-
longing to the medical profession, had suggested that “all members of the
medical and teaching professions” should be absorbed in Government ser-
vice to help the Provincial Governments “to carry out their rural uplift
programmes”.
120. LETTER TO KISHORELAL G. MASHRUWALA
New Delhi,
November 30, 1947
CHI. KISHORELAL,
I preserved your letters for such a long time. Now I see
that I cannot cope with the work. So I have to give up the
idea of writing on certain things. I include in this your views’
also. I am forced to discuss Hindustani and the two scripts
repeatedly.
I am all right.
Blessings to both of you
Bapu
From the Gujarati original: C. W. 10733. Courtesy: Gomatibehn
Mashruwala
121. LETTER TO SATLSH D. KALELKAR
\November 30, 1947Y
CHI. SATISH^,
I have your English letter. I know nothing about Valji’s
letter. I have not read it. Anyway we may not stretch the
point. Nobody is going to learn anything from it. Such articles
would seldom appear in Harijan.
I understand what you say about [your] initials. I did not
know how the ‘D’ came in. If [the blame] is put on Kaka he
will not grow small. He is what he is and will always be.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
’ Vide Vol. LXXXIX, p. 257.
2 The letter is placed in the source among those of this date.
^ Son of D. B. Kalelkar
137
122. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
November 30, 1947
I can understand the plight of those who have been uprooted
from their homes. But we have to find a way out of this situa-
tion. It is truly a boon if one can find happiness in adversity. I
have not the slightest doubt that, if those who live in groups
behave properly, everyone’s interest will be served. If the doctors,
vaidjas, nurses, teachers, traders, jewellers, and people of other pro-
fessions among the refugees help one another it cannot but have
pleasing results. Camp life presents its own opportunities. If we
could only co-operate with one another and regulate our lives
properly no one would find himself in distress. We could then
show the world that though we had lost our all, we were still
fully prepared to face any calamity.
. . .' I am sure that if only women displayed a little courage and
freed themselves from narrow religious ideas they could render a
unique service to the nation. I am convinced that no country
where women are slaves can ever make any progress. I am
amazed that while such barbarities are being perpetrated on
women, men who call themselves brave merely look on. Look at
the plight of the Punjab. Is that sort of thing enjoined in the
Shastras? I fear that if we and our leaders do not wake up
betimes it will be difficult to recover the girls that have been
carried away to Pakistan.
After the girls are brought back it is necessary to resettle
them properly. Girls forcibly abducted are not to be treated as
defiled. And does defilement only apply to women and not to
men? How long must I go on writing? What can I write?
My heart is crying. What can my shedding tears avail? I
have had long talks with Maulana Saheb hut I have no hopes
that anything will be achieved.
You all should take care of yourselves. I am well. Manu
will write the rest. She is still weak, for in the midst of work
she does not think of her health. I do, and therefore I keep fit.
Blessings to all from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, pp. 393-4
* Omission as in the source
138
123. LETTER TO RAIHANA TTABJI
November 30, 1947
DAUGHTER RAIHANA^,
I have your letter. There is no need to publish an English
version. I understand your point. The [publication] will benefit
neither the Hindus nor the Muslims. If we meet some time and
I have some leisure we shall have a talk and a good laugh. I shall
learn the Urdu script better. You are in the midst of it all and
so you hold one opinion, and since I am at a distance I hold
a different one.^ We are both right in our respective views. Or we
might both be in the wrong. We should do all we can. Today
the situation is very different. It is a matter of life and death.
To you both,
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
124. LETTER TO MUSLIM CHAMBER OE COMMERCE
Birla House, New Delhi,
November 30, 1947
BHAI SALAJI,
Why do you write in English ? From your name you appear
to be a Gujarati. It is possible that you belong to north India.
Anyway you could have written to me in Urdu, Gujarati, Hindi
or Bengali. But let this be.
Now I wish to come to your letter. I feel that if the Govern-
ment has relations with any other Ghamber of Gommerce there
is no reason why they should have none with yours. But in my
opinion after independence and the partition of India there should
not be any communal associations of trade, etc. I have said some-
thing in this respect during my speech the day before yesterday.^
^ Daughter of Abbas Tyabji; a devotee of Lord Krishna
2 Vide Vol. LXXXIX, pp. 446-9.
3 Vide pp. 125-6.
139
140
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
I hope you will wind up your Chamber of Commerce. If Bengal
does not have a unitary Chamber of Commerce, you will help
in setting up one and work hard towards this end.
From a copy of the Urdu: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
125. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
November 30, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
Yesterday I wanted to mention one point; but since I had
to talk about many other things, it was left out. You must have
seen that the girls sit on the floor and they feel cold. I had
told them that we have plenty of papers and newspapers
which we have read already and these could be used for sitting
on. But it is good that a friend has spread a sheet today.
In a way it is good to be unconcerned. Why should we be so
delicate that we feel cold by sitting on the floor? Even if we
have to sit on grass, if we can have a piece of paper and if it
does not get wet, then we would not feel cold. If this does not
serve the purpose, then we have our age-old custom of carrying
our own asanal wherever we go and spreading it whenever we have
to sit. Today we have forgotten that practice and given our-
selves to comfortable living. I suggest that we should forget about
a piece of paper or newspaper, take one if you want and if it
is thick, but the best thing would be an asana of wool or jute
or even cloth or hay. All you have to do is to spread it wherever
you want to sit and tuck it under your arm when you have
to go. Since I am feeling cold, everybody must be feeling the
same. Moreover, doctors also say that we should not sit on wet
ground or where it is cold. If men wearing dhotis and women
wearing salwars or skirts use thick cloth as undergarments, they
can serve as asms. But the women too have become very delicate
and so their clothes must be soft. How can they wear thick
clothes? Their undergarments have to be soft. Hence, they cannot
protect them against this cold.
1 have received many telegrams from Kathiawar. I have
already told you^ about what I heard and what subsequently
appeared in the Pakistani newspapers. Those papers are read by
thousands of people there. May be some ten thousand or so. I do
* A small mat
2 Vide pp. 117-9 and 128-9.
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
141
not know how many people must be reading them. But nothing
would be achieved if I started thinking whether those things had
really happened. Hence it was good that I placed before you what
I had read in those newspapers. I do not know if all those things
are true. If they are true, they are a matter of great shame for
Kathiawar. And if they are not true, it is a matter of shame for
the newspapers. Thus it is a matter of shame for either side.
I have also told you what the Sardar has to comment on
the matter. He came today also and told me that whatever
reports came from there were not worth mentioning. They were
highly exaggerated.
But the telegram I have received from Rajkot is worth noting.
It is a fairly long telegram and I would like to mention it
to you in brief. After all, I know the Muslims of Kathiawar. I do
not know them individually, but I know the Khojas, Meenas,
Vaghers and some Kumbis among the peasants, and Mahers.
After all, I was born there and lived there for almost 17 years.
In fact I lived there for full 17 years, because I did not
go out to study anywhere. My father never sent me anywhere. I
completed my studies there and attended college for a few
months, and that too at Bhavnagar. Even for the examination I
could not go beyond Ahmedabad. That was my condition. I
saw everything that happened there and, later too, kept contact
with the people by visiting them. So, the sender of that telegram
says that I am greatly worried on their account, and, in turn,
my worry has become their worry. He says it is true that some
Hindus in Kathiawar had lost their balance, but is there any
place where this has not happened. They resorted to violence
and even harmed some Muslims. They destroyed their houses
and even burnt them down. But, he says, the Congressmen did
not let the situation go far. They were under the leadership
of Dhebarbhai. I know him very well. He went forward to
protect the Muslims and succeeded to a great extent. Not all
Hindus were involved in those acts of loot and arson. Had that
been the case, all Muslim houses in Rajkot would have been
set ablaze, there would have been large-scale violence and some
people would have been killed. But things did not reach that
point. The Congressmen and others took every precaution.
Dhebarbhai was abused and manhandled. Even though he is
a big man and also a lawyer, when the mob gets excited all
considerations of big and small are forgotten. They harassed
him because he was trying to protect the Muslims. Some people
who accompanied Dhebarbhai write, that, though some injury
142
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
was caused, Dhebarbhai was saved by other people. The tele-
gram also mentions help from the Thakore Saheb and the
police. In that case, who are left to be suspected of creating
the trouble? They say “the Hindu Mahasabha and the
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh — these organizations have certainly
done some mischief — their aim was to drive out the Muslims
at least from Rajkot. However they could not do so. But now
we have nothing more to worry and there is no danger to the
Muslims. So you also should not worry. We are watching the
situation elsewhere too and we would send you another telegram.”
I have received a telegram from a Muslim gentleman from
the same place. He expresses his extreme gratitude to the
Congressmen and others who tried their best to save the life and
property of the Muslims. But there is yet another telegram from
Bombay also sent by a Muslim gentleman. He states that what
I had said earlier about Kathiawar was correct but what I have
been told later about it is not correct. That lots of things have
happened there and are still happening.
I do not know whether I should believe the telegram from Bom-
bay or the one from the other Muslim gentleman. But I doubt the
truth about the telegram from Bombay because it has been sent
from Bombay, while the other one has been sent by those who
are right in Kathiawar. Moreover, the people of Kathiawar can-
not deceive me. Where would they escape after deceiving me?
Hence I feel that the telegram from Bombay gives an exaggerated
version. The actual situation would be known to me in due
course. For the present, let me at least put all this before you.
There is also a telegram from Bhavnagar. It is from the
Maharaja of Bhavnagar. I know him too, because I have lived
there for three or four months. So he felt concerned about me
and wondered why I was so much worried. He has said in the
telegram that I need not worry. He says that they are all vigi-
lant. The Hindus also are vigilant. They would not let any harm
come to the Muslims and I should have no doubt at all about it.
But there is a telegram from Junagadh sent by some Mus-
lims. They say that I am being deceived, and I should set up a
commission and inquire whether the Muslims are being harassed
or not. Similar telegrams have also been sent to Jawaharlal,
the Sardar and others. I would like to say that it is not possible
to appoint a commission for anything and everything. Setting up
a commission is no joke. Where is the need for having a com-
mission even though some harm might have been done? As for
Kathiawar, I am like a commission myself. If anything comes to
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
143
my notice, I can check it. I can handle the Princes as well as
the people of Kathiawar. I do not claim to succeed in every-
thing I undertake or that they abide by everything I say. But
is not Kathiawar the same as Bihar ? If someone wants me to set
up a commission in Bihar, do you think I would oblige ? I am at
their disposal myself. People there love me and listen to me.
And so, it would not be proper to set up any commission there.
I have also received several letters from the Muslims in Rajkot.
Many of them are friendly with the Hindus and also happy with
the Congress. Then, who belongs to the Hindu Mahasabha and
the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh? I can have no enmity to-
wards them. They think theirs is the only way of saving
Hinduism. But I believe that Hinduism will not be saved in that
manner. They believe in violent opposition to those who commit
an evil act. But I would ask how fighting an evil by another evil
will help. We have got our own Government. Take it to task and
demand an explanation as to why such things are happening.
Moreover, our Government is vigilant and it is trying its best.
And so I would like to tell the Hindu Mahasabha and also the
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh — both are Hindu organizations
and many influential and educated people are associated with
them as in other organizations — that they cannot save Hinduism
in this manner. Is it true that they have harassed the Muslims?
If not, who has? The Congress has not harassed them, nor has
either of the Governments done it. Who then are the other
Hindus who did it? Today all the Hindus and Sikhs are to
be blamed for this just as in Pakistan all the Muslims are to be
blamed, and rightly so. That is why I would suggest that those
who are innocent and yet are accused, should clear their names.
The Muslims in Junagadh can get justice if they want. Why
then should we set up a commission?
Having talked about the situation there, let me also talk
about the situation here. The Sardar has made some arrange-
ments and he is going to protect all the mosques we have here.
You must have read the notice sent by him in the newspapers
that the occupied premises of the mosques should be vacated in
a week’s time, otherwise they will be vacated with the help of the
police. But I ask you what will he gain by sending the police?
If some Hindus have installed an idol in some mosque — the idol
may be of gold or silver or brass or earth or stone — but it is
said, and I also believe, that so long as it has not been sancti-
fied and not worshipped by pure hands, in my view it is not an
idol but a mere piece of stone or gold. Such idols have been
144
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
installed in the mosque at the corner of Connaught Place. In
my view, there is no Hanuman in those idols. To me it is a
mere piece of stone which has been shaped like Hanuman and
to which some sindoor^ has also been applied. In my view it is not
worthy of worship. It can be worshipped only if it is legitimately
installed and sanctified. But all this was not done. Hence it is
the duty of those who have installed the idols to remove them
from there at daybreak and then keep them wherever they choose.
By thus installing idols in the mosques they are desecrating the
mosques and also insulting the idols. As followers of Hindu-
ism we are idol-worshippers, but worshipping any idol in this
manner is not religion but the opposite of it. So, why should the
Sardar send the police there? Those who are Hindus among you
should become watchmen and remove the idols so installed. We
should offer to repair the mosques which have been damaged.
But the Sardar says that the Government would bear the expenses
of the repairs of those mosques. Why should the Government do
it? Is it not because we are not doing it ourselves? The Govern-
ment has to protect everybody. But it would be a matter of
shame for us all — Sikhs and Hindus today. Of course I have
not heard about any Sikh having installed the idols, for the
Sikhs have only one idol or, say, the holy treatise, that is, the Granth-
saheb. I have not known of any Sikh having kept the Granthsaheb in
any mosque. Even if any of them has done so he has insulted
the Granthsaheb. The Granthsaheb can be kept only in a guru-
dwara. Only the holy Sikhs keep it on a high pedestal after nicely
decorating it. Somebody like me would wrap it in a nice khadi
cloth. But today, even though people do not think in terms of
swadeshi or foreign things we do manufacture beautiful woollens
and silks by hand. If we spread such silk cloth and keep the
Granthsaheb on it, it would be worthy of worship. And if any
Sikh goes and keeps it in a mosque, he insults the Granthsaheb
and then it cannot be worthy of worship.
A Muslim gentleman came to see me today. I could not
make out what he wanted to say. But he was holding a copy of
the Koran which was half burnt. Even that was sacred for him
and so he had wrapped it in a very clean cloth. He opened the
cloth and showed the burnt Koran to me. He did not say any-
thing but looked at me with tearful eyes and then went away.
He talked a few things with Brajkishan, since I was busy with
my work. Similarly, if any Muslim comes here and instals the
* Vermilion
LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI
145
Koran here and beats you and me up, I would say that he is in-
sulting the Koran. The Koran does not ordain that people should
be compelled to accept it.
That is why I very respectfully wish to tell the Hindu Maha-
sabha and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and others who
wish to listen to me and also the Sikhs, that the Sikhs are
great and if they turn good and become true followers of Guru
Nanak, the Hindus would then automatically become good. I
have great respect for the Sikhs in my heart but today, every-
body, whether Hindu or Sikh, is going astray and India is being
destroyed. Are we going to drag India into dust after raising her
high? Are we going to destroy our religion, our achievements
and our country? May God save us from all this.
[From Hindi]
Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 144-50
126. LETTER TO PTARELAD
December 1, 1947
I see my battle has to be fought and won in Delhi itself.
There is a lot for me to do here. . . .The six resolutions^ of the
All-India Congress Committee this time were practically mine.
. . . It now remains to be seen how they are implemented.
Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol. II, pp. 519-20
127. LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI
December 1, 1947
CHI. NARANDAS,
Read the accompanying wire and let me know how much truth
it contains. Show it to Dhebarbhai and others. If you know the
sender let me know who he is. The more information you can
give the better.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro-9 : Shri Narandas Gandhine, Part II, p. 319. Also C. W.
8647. Courtesy: Narandas Gandhi
' The addressee along with other workers was working in Noakhali to
establish cordial relations between Hindus and Muslims.
^ Vide Appendix I.
90-10
128. LETTER TO N ARANDAS NALIERWALA
New Delhi,
December 1, 1947
BHAI NARANDAS,
I don’t understand why all of you have English letter-heads.
I get your letters from time to time.
Certainly you shouldn’t believe that those who are called
‘my people’ are also votaries of the non-violence to which I am
devoted.
I have sent the letter to Vaikunthbhai'.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
129. LETTER TO HEMPRABHA DAS GUPTA
New Delhi,
December 1, 1947
CHI. HEMPRABHA,
I have your letter. Forget Ratilal. If he returns, do not
have him back. You did what you could. He is of that type.
He would beg anywhere.
The condition of Didimoni^ is pitiable. It should not be. I
would still advise that she should stay at Khadi Pratishthan^ and
her daughters too should live and be brought up there. I realize
that it is difficult for her but I cannot think of any other course.
I am glad that Babua is well.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 1716
* Vaikunthbhai Lallubhai Mehta
2 Taralika, addressee’s daughter, who had lost her husband
3 At Sodepur, established by the addressee’s husband, Satis Chandra Das
Gupta
146
130. NOTE TO LT.-GEN. K. M. CARIAPPA
December 1, 1947^
You know something of my having written in my paper^ about
your statement on non-violence in London last month. ^
When we meet again ... I would like further to discuss
this subject with you.
Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol. II, pp. 523-4
131. SPEECH AT PPATEP MEETING^
New Delhi,
December 1, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
Many friends resent my using ‘if’s in my statements. They
think I should first of all make sure whether something is true
or not. I feel that whenever I have made a tentative statement
I have lost nothing thereby. It has only done good to the work
I then had in hand.
The talk just now is about Kathiawar. Friends say that I
gave currency to false allegations of atrocities on the Kathiawar
Muslims. Most of the allegations were entirely unfounded.
What little mischief might have occurred had been quickly
brought under control. But if I have repeated those allegations
with the conditional ‘if’ no harm has been done to truth. The
* From Dilhiman Gandhiji — I
2 Vide Vol. LXXXIX pp. 492-3.
2 The addressee said that he felt greatly honoured that Gandhiji
should have taken the trouble to notice at length the views of a person like
him whom he had never met. He further said: “We soldiers are a very
much maligned community, . . . the one community which dislikes wars is the
soldier community. It is . . . because of the knowledge we have of the
utter futility of wars to settle international disputes. We feel one war merely
leads to another. History has taught us this. ... In a democratic country
soldiers do not initiate wars. . . .We merely carry out the orders of the Gov-
ernment and therefore ... of the people. . . .Why blame us?”
Gandhiji signalled to him to return the slip of paper he had given him
and added the following.
* As Gandhiji was observing silence, his written speech was read out at
the prayer meeting.
147
148
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Congress and the administrators of Kathiawar will gain to the ex-
tent that they take their stand on truth. Friends assert that though
truth comes out in the end the harm is already done, for people
who have no scruples about truth or falsehood dishonestly use my
statements for their own purposes. I should therefore guard myself
against untruth being propagated. But whenever people have
resorted to such tactics they have failed and they were exposed
as dishonest and false. If I mention the allegations subject to
‘if’s it should not perturb anyone. The only thing required is
that those against whom the allegations are levelled should be
wholly innocent.
Let us consider the other side of the matter. Take Kathia-
war again for example. If I had not paid attention to the alle-
gations contained in some major newspapers of Pakistan which
even the Prime Minister of Pakistan had declared were true in
substance, the Muslims would have taken them as gospel truth.
But now the Muslims have come to doubt their veracity.
I would like friends in Kathiawar and elsewhere to learn
from this the lesson that we will not let any trouble occur in our
own house; we will welcome criticism even if that criticism should
be bitter; we will become truthful and we will rectify any error
we discover in ourselves. We must not delude ourselves with the
belief that we can never make a mistake. Our bitterest critic is
one who has some grudge, fancied or real, against us. We shall
correct him if we are patient with him and, whenever the oc-
casion arises, show him his error, or correct our own when we
are found to be in error. By doing so we shall never go wrong. No
doubt a balance must be preserved. Discrimination is always re-
quired. One must never take notice of statements of a mischie-
vous nature. I feel that after long experience I have learnt the
art of discrimination.
Today the atmosphere is poisoned. Allegations are being
hurled at each other by parties. To imagine in such a situation
that we can make no mistakes would be folly. We have not the
good fortune today to be able to make such a claim. It will be
enough if with necessary effort we succeed in eradicating the
mischief and root it out. We can do so only if our eyes and
ears are open to see and hear about our own shortcomings.
Nature has so made us that we cannot see our own shortcomings.
We can see only those of others. Wisdom requires that we should
benefit from others seeing our shortcomings.
Yesterday, I was not able to deal fully with the long tele-
gram from Junagadh, which I had received as I was about to
LETTER TO BAPSY PAVRY
149
leave for the prayer meeting, for I had only cursorily glanced
through it. Today I have studied it fully. Those who had sent
the wire state that the allegations to which I had referred the
other day were founded in truth. If this is so it is very bad for
Kathiawar. If attempts have been made to exaggerate the allega-
tions that our workers have admitted as true and which I have
published, then those behind this wire have done harm to Pakis-
tan. They invite me to go to Kathiawar and see things for myself.
They ought to know that today I am not in a position to do that.
They demand an inquiry commission but before that they must
prepare their case. I grant that their purpose is not to bring a bad
name to Junagadh or Kathiawar. They want the truth to be brought
out and they want security for the life and property and hon-
our of the minority community. They know, as everyone knows,
that newspaper propaganda especially when it is not wholly
based on truth can protect neither life nor property nor honour.
To protect all these three things those sending the wire should
adhere to truth and they should go and meet their Hindu friends.
They know their friends amongst Hindus. They know also that
though I am at some distance away from Kathiawar I am doing
their work even from here. I have said this after full delibera-
tion and now I am collecting all the facts. I have seen Sardar
Patel. He says that to the extent that it lies within his power no
communal riot will be permitted and anyone misbehaving with
our Muslim brothers and sisters will be severely punished. The
Kathiawar workers, who are quite impartial, are trying to find
out the truth for themselves and trying to alleviate the sufferings
of the Kathiawar Muslims. They love Muslims as much as they
love their own selves. Will the Muslims help them?
[From Hindi]
Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 151-3
132. LETTER TO BAPST PAVRT'-
New Delhi,
December 2, 1947
DEAR SISTER,
All that you have told me about Lalkaka^ is interesting. But
there is nothing for me to write about it.
’ Daughter of Khurshedji Erachji Pavry, High Priest of Parsis in
India. She later became Premier Marchioness of Winchester, England.
2 An artist who painted portraits
150
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Let me answer your three questions :
(1) When a portrait of someone has to be painted, the per-
son should be shown as he is. Therefore, neither I nor anyone
else can select the colours.
The ground of Kasturba’s sari always used to be white.
Occasionally it had lines or dots in colour. The hem and the
borders used to be coloured. There was no particular choice
in the colours.
(2) Whether the pose should be a sitting or standing one is
for the artist to decide. It should be a pose in which the sub-
ject was most often seen.
(3) I have no photograph. The Naoroji sisters can give you
full information in this respect. Among them, Gosibehn Captain
will be in a position to give the maximum information.
I hope the portrait of your father will come out well.
Blessings from
M. K. Gandhi
Miss Bapsy Pavry
Taj Mahal Hotel
Bombay
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C. W. 10227. Courtesy: Bapsy Pavry
133. LETTER TO GHULAM RASOOL QURESHI
December 2, 1947
CHI. QURESHI,
I appreciate your compassion. But I don’t think we can really
satisfy our sentiment by having the dogs castrated. We must learn
the art of keeping dogs. And we should kill stray dogs in the least
painful manner. I don’t mean to say that it involves no violence,
but I would claim that this is the least violent method.
The question of Hindu-Muslim relations has reached a critical
stage. It is for everybody to see how best it can be tackled.
Can you say that Amina' is perfectly all right?
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
' Addressee’s wife and daughter of Abdul Kadir Bawazeer
134. LETTER TO DILKHUSH DIWANJI
December 2, 1947
CHI. DILKHUSH,
I have your letter of the 22nd [ultimo].
I received the khadi woven by the weavers out of their own
hand-spun yarn. My thanks to them.
Were these friends initially weavers? If they were, please let
me know what difference they found in the weaving of mill-yarn
and their own hand-spun yarn. Compared to that of others,
is their weaving superior or inferior? How many such weavers
have been trained? How many new weavers as well as spinners
have been trained? Has there been any improvement in their
performance?
I had all the letters from Khar. Bisen had acknowledged
receipt of them. How is it you did not get his letter?
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
135. LETTER TO JATASHAMKAR PANDTA
December 2, 1947
BHAI JAYASHANKAR PANDYA,
Herewith a wire I received from Junagadh.' Let me know the
truth about it. Also tell me who the signatories are. Please also
write to me what Bhai Moosa who had come with you has to
say. I have with me two varying reports; I am therefore rather
confused.
Jayashankar Pandya
Head of the Junagadh State Railway
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
* Vide pp. 148-9.
151
136. LETTER TO JAMNA GANDHI
December 2, 1947
CHI. JAMNA
Your letter. I am keeping well. I have heaps of work. Kanu^
can come over whenever he wishes; so also Abha^. I do not
have to order them. Don’t worry at all. One should give up
one’s desire to be looked after and served by one’s children after
having given them away for social service.
Why does the asthma persist? Won’t it go?
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
137. LETTER TO SATTEN
December 2, 1947
CHI. SATYEN,
How did you bring up [the matter] of Manohar Diwan'*?
It is quite right that the work you are doing at Nalwadi
will be under the supervision of Vinoba, but if any such venture
is to be undertaken at Sevagram you should have permission from
Aryanayakum and Ashadevi. It would therefore be better to
give up the idea.
It will serve no purpose for a Harijan to call himself a
Brahmin but quite a lot is accomplished by a Brahmin becoming
a Bhangi.
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
* Wife of Narandas Gandhi
Addressee’s son and daughter-in-law
Who was running the Kushtha Ashram, an institution for leprosy pa-
tients, at Dattapur
152
138. LETTER TO RAIHANA TTABJI
New Delhi,
December 2, 1947
DAUGHTER RAIHANA,
I have your long letter. How can I argue with you? You
must have received my last letter.*
I shall follow your suggestion when I am convinced. In the
meanwhile let us bear with our differences.
Did you consult Nanavati regarding Urdu script? He has
done quite a lot in this connection.
The social question has significance in its own place. The
people of Europe who inter-dine have fought with one another.
Muslims fought with Muslims at Karbala^; and what about the
friction between the Shias and the Sunnis?
We cannot promote unity by retaining only the Urdu script.
We have to have reforms in all directions.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
139. TALK WITH MUSLIMS^
Panipat,
December 2, 1947
You want to go to Pakistan of your own free will, don’t
you? When your leaders came to me and pleaded that I should
visit Panipat, they told me that people were leaving for Pakis-
tan against their will. But now from what you say I gather
that you yourselves want to go to Pakistan. All the same I must
tell you that this is your home. You should stay here. Your
safety is the responsibility of Dr. Gopichand Bhargava — your
1 Vide p. 139.
2 The scene of battle in Iraq where Imam Hussain, the Shia leader
and his followers were killed by the Sunnis in 680 A. D.
^ Gandhiji reached Panipat at about 11.30 a.m. and met the Muslim
refugees who desired to go to Pakistan.
153
154
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Chief Minister — and he will fulfil that responsibility. Neverthe-
less all men have to die one day. There are 28,000 refugees here.
If all of you are cut down to the last man at the hands of your
brethren, you will have shown true bravery. It will have brought
glory to your religion. You should say, ‘Remove the military from
here. The Hindus will protect us.’ I am sure if you show such
trust the Hindus will certainly protect you.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 6
140. TALK WITH MUSLIM DELEGATION^
Panipat,
December 2, 1947
So far I have been patiently listening. I have not said a
word. But now the discussion is becoming heated and at last I
have been invited to offer advice. I must then tell you that if
you have the courage to die at the hands of the refugees or the
Hindus, should they want to kill you, you will have rendered a
great service to Islam.
What happens in Pakistan is a matter for God to see. But I
shall never advise you to go away from here. If, of course, you want
to go of your own will, no one can stop you. But you will never
hear Gandhi utter the words that you should leave India. Gandhi
can only tell you that you should stay, for India is your home.
And if your brethren should kill you, you should bravely meet
death. That is the way I am made. That is the way I would
have people behave.
In Pakistan many Hindu girls have been forcibly converted
and subjected to extreme barbarities. Hindus too have done
similar things. But I am telling you how you should behave
like true Muslims. You should seek help from the Pakistan Gov-
ernment and persuade your brethren there to console the young
women who have been abducted. You should tell them : ‘Sisters,
you have been cruelly treated. We forgot that we were human.
From now on you are our mothers, our sisters, our daughters.’
If you work in this spirit you can make Pakistan really pak —
really pure. Of the three things — human dignity, life and pro-
perty — you should make it your business to safeguard one and
' Dr. Gopichand Bhargava, Swaran Singh, Hifzur Rehman, Deshbandhu
Gupta and the Deputy Commissioner were also present.
TALK WITH MUSLIM DELEGATION
155
devote yourselves wholly to service. Then, I assure you, Hindus
will worship you and you will be able to serve not only Pakistan
but also the Muslims living in India. Geographically you are sep-
arated but no one in the world can separate the hearts. Where
can you run away from friends and relatives ? Someone among
you said that Gurubachan Singh had behaved treacherously. I
tell you that if a man himself is honest it can do him no harm
if the other party is treacherous. I say this from personal experi-
ence. I am not preaching like a Ghristian. Deception and lies can
never succeed. Otherwise truth would be at a discount in the
world; anyone could get away with lies.
The Ministers have assured you that they will protect you
even at the risk of their own lives. Still if you are resolved to go
and do not place any trust in their word there is nothing further
I can say to you. What can I do to reassure you? If I should
die tomorrow you would again have to flee. Therefore you
cannot go by what others say. You have to decide for your-
selves after considering what your duty is towards the country,
towards your brothers, towards the land that gave you birth,
where you grew up. This will not be because Gandhi says
it. There was a time when I wished to live a hundred and
twenty-five years. Today I do not have that wish any more. I
do not consider our present freedom as freedom. I consider it as
the undoing of the country. You are destroying the independence
that we have gained without shedding a drop of blood. You are
cutting off your own feet. Today Punja Saheb cannot be visited
by any Sikh pilgrim. What a sorry pass we have come to after
we became free. If even now you take up the work of service
without asking where and by whom the present tide of violence
was started, you can still taste the nectar of freedom. Where are
all the proclamations of Jinnah ? The more I dwell on these mat-
ters the more unhappy I become. I do not believe in shedding
tears. But today, having heard you and seen you, my heart weeps.
Do as God guides you. I have said what I had to say. I can
only pray to God to grant us good sense.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 8-10
141. SPEECH AT PUBLIC MEETING^
Panipat,
December 2, 1947
Gandhiji told a mass meeting mostly of refugees from West Punjab that
he was not very happy on his second visit to Panipat. During his last visit^
he was assured by the non-Muslims of the locality that they would not let
the Muslims go from Panipat. He was hurt to hear from Mr. Gopalaswami
Ayyangar^ that arrangements were now complete for sending the Muslims
to Pakistan. He hoped that he would hear about the Hindus persuading
the Muslims not to go to Pakistan. Why did the Muslims of Panipat, who
were previously not eager to go to Pakistan, now want to leave?
All the Muslims in the camp here want to go. I told them
that they would get all the protection here. But one should
depend on God’s protection rather than on the protection of the
army and the police. Supposing you are eating and death comes
while food is in your mouth, no army or police, no doctors or
drugs, will be of any use. If we could only stop to think how
God holds in his own hand the string of death, the prevailing
conflict between trust and distrust would end. If my brother has
become mad and wants to kill me, does it mean that I should
also go mad? To return evil for evil makes for the fall of both
parties. No one can be forced to accept another’s faith.
Referring to conversions, Gandhiji said that there had been conversions
of Hindus and Sikhs in Pakistan. To repeat the same here to Muslims
would be denial of civilization and did not speak of humanity. By these con-
versions people neither enriched their religion nor themselves. By such acts
people degraded themselves and their country for which they had made
much sacrifice.
No one had imagined that the freedom that came would be
such a terrible thing. But that was the will of God. If we can
^ The Gujarati version in Dilhiman Gandhiji has been collated with the
report in The Hindustan Times.
^ On November 10
^ (1882-1953); Prime Minister of Kashmir, 1937-43; Minister without
Portfolio, Government of India, 1947-48; Leader of Indian Delegation to
United Nations Security Council; Union Minister of Railways and Transport,
and later of Defence
156
SPEECH AT PUBLIC MEETING
157
pass the present test we shall have risen very high. Sjhariar asks,
if India fails what will become of his country? The whole of
Asia today has its eyes fixed on us. God has given us a jewel in
the person of Jawaharlal. The whole world likes him. We have a
leader such as the Sardar. The two make an inseparable pair.
Neither can do without the other. India has a name in the world
because of Jawaharlal. Who otherwise would care about India?
But Pandit Nehru will not be able to do his job without your
co-operation. Let us not allow India’s name to fall into disrepute.
To the refugees from West Punjab, Gandhiji said that he knew that
they had encountered untold sufferings. It might also be a fact that the
Muslims staying here might be having some property and enjoying themselves
a bit. But, just because they had suffered, they should not deprive the Muslims
of their property. He would not believe that all refugees were bad people.
There are 28,000 refugees in this camp. Not all of them can
be good. If there are goonda elements among them you should
pick them out and make of them good men by your love. They
are all brothers here, so what need is there for the military? If
there are two brothers in a family does it need any police force
to guard them? Your salvation lies in learning to protect one
another. You should go to your Muslim brothers and sisters and
plead with them not to leave India. If you do not cast covetous
eyes on their homes, I am sure Hinduism will live for ever. We
must forget what has happened. In this alone lies our good. You
may listen to an experienced old man if you care, for today my
voice is a voice in the wilderness. However I must say what I
consider my duty to say. Today I do not have the wish or the
zest to go on living. Time was when I wanted to live 125 years
and bring about Ramarajya. But if I do not have your co-operation
what can I do all by myself ?
It was said, Gandhiji continued, that the Muslims had arms in their
possession. There might be arms with the Hindus and Sikhs too. He said
that all arms, whether they be with Hindus, Sikhs or Muslims, should be
licensed.
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 10-2, and The Hindustan Times, 3-12-1947
142. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
December 2, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
I had told you I should be going to Panipat today. I had
intended to be back by four o’clock. But there was so much
work that I could not come before thirty-five minutes — at any rate
thirty-three minutes past five. Then I heard the prayer. I
have said that the prayer should begin whether I am present or
not and we must be regular. Then I went and washed myself.
Hence the delay, for which I apologize.
I had already hinted at the purpose of my visit to Panipat.
I had been hoping and I continue to hope even now that by
some means or other the Muslims of Panipat should be stopped
from going [to Pakistan]. It will be good for us, good for the
whole of India and because it will be good for India it will be
good for Pakistan as well.
There are people living in distress there — the refugees who
have come from Pakistan — and they must continue to live in
distress as long as they do not return to their homes. Similarly
the Muslims who have been forced to flee to Pakistan will be
unhappy there. You should have no doubt about it.
It was good that I went there. It was my duty to do so.
Dr. Gopichand Bhargava had come and so had Sardar Swaran
Singh, the Home Minister. I had no idea that Dr. Gopichand
was coming. Sardar Swaran Singh had of course sent word that
if he should be needed he would come. I said there would be no
need for him to come because whatever had to be done would
have to be done by me. Nevertheless he came. East Punjab is
after all his region and it was his right to come. Deshbandhu
Gupta had sent a message that he was ailing and so would not
be able to come. I had agreed, but since he belongs there he did
come. It was good that all of them came. Then there was the
Maulana whom we often see here. I then spoke to people. I
spoke to the Muslims separately, though the two Ministers were
present.' They thought that the Ministers should be there, for
’ Vide pp. 154-5.
158
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
159
what was the good of my saying something which the Ministers
would not know about and which I would not be able to en-
force? The Muslims admitted that they had agreed in talks earlier
not to go but that later the situation had worsened; that nothing
had been done on the lines I had assured and they had felt
harassed; their honour was not protected. When they could not
protect their lives, their property and their honour, how could
they stay ? They said they would put up with the destruction of
their houses, they would put up with arson, they would put up
even with loss of lives but they would protect their honour to the
last. If they could do that they would stay. I said that he who
loves mankind loves God. He has nothing to fear.
I then spoke to the refugees there.* By the time I was done
it was half past three. I had set out from here at 10.30 and
reached there at about 11.30. My talks with the Muslims con-
tinued up to 3; there was so much to talk about. Then I spoke to
the refugees. After me Dr. Gopichand Bhargava addressed them.
But when Sardar Swaran Singh got up to speak there was
pandemonium. People started shouting; not because they wanted
to insult him but they could not contain themselves. They be-
came angry that he dared to speak at all.
It was a large crowd. There must have been some twenty
thousand people. The ground was filled to capacity. Roofs were
covered with people. They heard me in silence. But when the
others began, people stood up. It has become customary with
us to give vent to anger. They stood up and began to shout that
the Muslims should be expelled. I told them that it would not be
good to drive out the Muslims. They had their homes, and
they should not be forced to leave; that forcing the Muslims to
leave would undo all our efforts there. I was ready to resume
my seat but Sardar Swaran Singh, being the Home Minister
and also a brave man, would not be cowed down, he said this
would not do. He tried to speak but nothing came of it. People
continued their shouting and continued to stand. Then their
representative, their leader came forward. He began with a
bhajan in Punjabi. I had not known that he was a poet. He
knew that Punjabis like bhajans. Then he admonished them in
Punjabi and told them that he was their representative and
they must listen to him, that shouting would achieve nothing.
What would they gain by disturbing the meeting. It would only
harm them. Peace was restored at last but it took some doing.
People sat down and the proceedings were continued in Punjabi.
* Vide pp. 156-7.
160
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
I cannot speak Punjabi but I understand it. I liked what
[Sardar Swaran Singh] said. When we were with the Muslim leaders
he had assured them that whatever might happen in Pakistan we
would not become inhuman. He said that ours was a democratic
Government and would not let such things happen here. If any
Muslim girl had been kidnapped she would be restored by every
means. Help would certainly be needed for they would not
know where an abducted girl was. But if it was known she
would be brought back. The other thing they would do was about
the Muslims who had been converted to Hinduism or Sikhism.
They were still Muslims. Such conversion would not be accepted
as lawful, for it was against morality. Similarly the Muslims who
were still here would be protected whether or not Pakistan
protected [the Hindus and Sikhs]. Thirdly, Sardar Swaran Singh
said that the mosques would be protected. Of course, protection
of life and property was a difficult matter. There was the
police, the Government — they would do what they could, but if
everyone took to plunder and pillage they could not be shot
down. The Government was helpless. Our freedom was crippled
and we had to confess our helplessness. They could certainly plead
with people but they had to admit their helplessness. He was
very persuasive. He pleaded with them saying that India’s honour
and dignity were in their hands, that the Government was theirs,
for it was they who had elected the Ministers. And since the
Government was there it would do its duty, do what it must
and they must help. He explained all this. It took a long time.
In the end there was peace at the meeting. Every time it
happens that when people lose their temper on such occasions,
they begin to understand things after a time when they calmly
think over it. I saw this during the course of our struggle for
freedom. There were many occasions when it looked as if the
meeting would have to be terminated, but in the end they saw
the point. Afterwards the representatives of the refugees came
and followed me. I asked them to accompany me in the car. If
I was not to do so, I would have been further delayed. I had
to count every minute, for I wanted to reach here in time. I
have forgone my siesta. When everyone is unhappy, how can I
seek rest ? I am certainly much more comfortable than they are.
They tell me that the refugees there are in much distress. Of
course something has been done. Things are certainly much
better than I had seen them last. Some arrangements have
been made. Some roofs have been put up. They certainly have
tents to live in, but the food is not all that it should be. The
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
161
Governor of East Punjab' also saw it and admitted that it should
be improved. As to clothing it seems all the decent clothing is
taken away by some people. What shall I say as to who does it?
The result is that the refugees get only rags. This should not
be so. They must get the things that are intended for them.
People die too, which is only natural. Two persons had died;
there was no firewood to cremate them. A whole day was lost.
I forget the name of the doctor in charge. He was not to be
found anywhere. By then it was seven in the evening. Since
no arrangement could be made for firewood, some people ap-
proached a relative of one of them and offered to raise a contri-
bution often to fifteen rupees. But the relative who was a strong
man refused to accept the donation. He said that if there was no
firewood he would bury the dead. Burial is not common among
the Hindus and I was sorry that he had to do it.
I learnt afterwards that well-to-do refugees are able to get
things but not the poor ones because the arrangements are not in
the hands of senior officers. The workers were taken from among
the people there and everything is done through them. If they
are good, altruistic and dedicated to service things go well. But
if they do not have the spirit of service it becomes difficult. I
like to have everything in the open. Let us not resort to physical
violence. It generates poison. We have an alternative method and
that is to speak up frankly. It does not do to hide things. One
must call a spade a spade. What is lost by accusing those who
indulge in evil practices? If they are guilty the charge should
be made. That is why I tell you that it is a bad practice. We
are already unhappy. Hundreds of thousands of people have
been uprooted from their homes and have come here. If we
indulge in such practices it would be very bad. Today a small
boy confronted me. He was wearing a sweater. He took it off and
stood glaring at me as if he would eat me up. He was just a
child. What could he do? “You say that you have come to pro-
tect us,” he said, “but my father has been killed. Get me my
father back.” But his father was dead. How could I bring him
back. The boy became angry. I can imagine that if I had been
of his age and in his position perhaps, I would have done the
same. I was not annoyed. I felt sorry for him.
We see such scenes today. The refugees say that all of them
at any rate are not bad ; that the management should be entrusted
to some of them, for after all magistrates and others were there to
* C. L. Trivedi
90-11
162
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
supervise. Other people too had to be supervised. At least the
distribution of blankets should be entrusted to them. Their child-
ren should get milk but the milk does not reach them. The
staff appropriates it. Would it not be better to give them the
milk for distribution rather than that the members of the com-
mittee should drink it up? Then some of them have been receiving
letters from other refugees elsewhere. They ask them in the
letters to tell the Mahatma to attend to them too. It is good I
went there. I told them to be peaceful and to persuade the
Muslims to stay on. I told them that it would be something
unique for Panipat which has been the scene of so many battles.
There are 28,000 refugees living in the camp. I told them,
“If more refugees join you what can it matter to you? It is
enough for you if you get food to eat, clothes to wear and a roof
or even a tent to live under. You can get nothing more than
this wherever you may go. You can create many things out of
these three things. You should know what developments are
taking place all over India, what problems are coming up and
how we can solve them. The Government is there, but the
Government cannot force you to do anything.”
Yesterday Jawaharlal said a beautiful thing. I happened to
see it in the papers today; it is rarely that I get a chance to read
anything. Jawahar says that he does not like being called
Prime Minister. When did he ever become Prime Minister?
He would like it and it would be more appropriate to call him
the first servant of the nation. If everyone became the first
servant he would have to think of others all the twenty-four
hours of the day. If the officers under Jawaharlal were to
think so, our country would become a land of gold. We would
have Ramarajya, the kingdom of God upon earth. Then our
freedom would be complete. If after attaining freedom we
continue to conduct ourselves in the manner we are doing
now then that freedom will irk me. Is this the kind of freedom
we are going to have? No, it cannot be.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 154-9
143. LETTER TO CHAMPA MEHTA
December 3, 1947
CHI. CHAMPA,
I have your letter. It will not help me in any way to call
you here. I still do not feel confident about you. The final
decision lies with Chimanlal and others. You can stay on only
if you win their confidence. But how can you stay on if you
yourself have no faith in them? They have no axe to grind.
They assumed the responsibility of letting you stay there for my
sake. Be calm now and do what seems proper to you. Don’t
hurt their feelings.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a microfilm of the Gujarati: M.M.U./XX
144. LETTER TO SHAMALDAS GANDHI
New Delhi,
December 3, 1947
CHI. SHAMALDAS,
Herewith a copy of a wire from Junagadh. If the contents
of the wire are true, I would say you are out of your senses. If
they are absolute lies you have nothing to lose. I get a fairly
large number of letters against you from Hindus. They say that
you cannot talk of anything but the sword. The problem of
Kathiawar is not as simple as you all might be thinking. Even
after you have eliminated the Princes, so long as you do not have
a humble and selfless leadership no good will come to Kathiawar.
We might have found it easy to win swaraj but preserving and
making it worth while has become difficult.
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
163
145. LETTER TO LILAVATI ASAR
December 3, 1947
CHI. LILI,
I have your two letters. In one you say that Dwarkadas has
completely recovered, and Damayanti also is all right. In the
other letter you say that another operation may be necessary.
I do hope you will get a room somewhere.
Herewith a note for Rs. 100.’ Can you not manage to bor-
row Rs. 100 from some source? I hesitate to send even a draft.
If there is no facility at the hospital for encashing it, how far
will you have to go for it?
You should put in regular hard work and clear your final
examination. That will be the end of a struggle. Really speak-
ing once we have made up our minds to do a thing, then there
is no more struggle, it is all play.
I got the liquorice tablets. You wasted your time over it.
But now I shall use the same mostly and cloves very rarely.
Blessings from
Bapu
From the Gujarati original: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
146. LETTER TO BACHCHHARAJ & CO.
New Delhi,
December 3, 1947
TO
Bachchharaj & Co.
Pay Rs. 100 (Rupees one hundred only) to Lilavati Udeshi
who is studying medicine and debit it to my public account.
M. K. Gandhi
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
’ Vide the following item.
164
147. TALK WITH LT.-GEN. K. M. CARIAPPA^
New Delhi,
December 3, 1947
Gandhiji turned to him and said smilingly:
I see you have again removed your shoes outside. You had
done it when you came two days ago also.^
The General replied: “It is but proper that I should do so when com-
ing to see a godly man like you.”
I have been receiving numerous complaints concerning the
police and the army personnel. They take bribes and are biased in
favour of their own community. If the seed itself is rotten what will
become of the plants and the foliage? Not even thorns will then
grow. The army and the police are potent limbs of the country.
It is a pity that following the partitioning of the country the army
also had to be partitioned on communal lines. But it is the duty
of policemen not to show caste and communal bias. They must
bravely serve the country. It is the duty of every armed force
to protect the minority community. Pakistan will not heed my
word, but if you the Generals of the army of the Indian Union
listen to me and help me, I shall believe we have truly gained
freedom in a non-violent way. Let us make ourselves worthy of
such freedom. In the swaraj gained in such a wonderful way,
the personnel of the army and the police must always remain
pure and above board.
What a wonderful example of this unity is set by Netaji, the
founder of the Indian National Army; “Let every Hindu, Muslim,
Christian, Parsi and others think that India is their country and
work unitedly for it.” He has proved this unity before us all.
q. Pakistan has no use for non-violence. How then can we win their
hearts and prove the efficacy of ahimsa?
Violence can only be overcome through non-violence. This
is as clear to me as the proposition that two and two make four.
But for this one must have faith. Even a weapon like atom
* The version in Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase has been collated
with the Gujarati in Dilhiman Gandhiji.
^ Vide “Note to Lt.-Gen. K. M. Cariappa”, p. 147.
165
166
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
bomb when used against non-violence will prove ineflfective. This
applies to true non-violence. But very few people have grasped
this eternal truth. Faith by itself also will not do. It must be
supplemented by knowledge. Training in ahimsa is not to be had
like training in the use of weapons in military training colleges
and institutions. It requires purity of heart and soul-force. The
difficulty we find in pitting non-violence against violence only
shows our inner weakness. A short time ago, even Mr. Jinnah
had clearly stated that in political disputes violence must be
eschewed.* If Mr. Jinnah meant what he said then the violence
that today engulfs us can be brought to an end in no time. And
if Pakistan does not stop violence, the violent killings can still be
stopped if Hindus in the Union have faith in non-violence. A
votary of non-violence will not allow the slightest hint of violence
to enter his heart. How then can his conduct be violent?
The General said: “. . . If we have to have an army at all ... it must
be a good one. ... I would . . . like to remind them in my own way of
the need for and the value of non-violence. Tell me, please, how I can put
this over, i. e., the spirit of non-violence to the troops . . . without endan-
gering their sense of duty to train themselves well professionally as sol-
diers. I am a child in this matter. I want your guidance.”
Gandhiji laughed. He was still at his charkha. He paused, looked at
the General and said:
Yes. . . . you are all children; I am a child too, but I happen
to be a bigger child than you because I have given more thought
to this question than you all have. You have asked me to tell
you in a tangible and concrete form how you can put over to the
troops you command the need for non-violence.
I am still groping in the dark for the answer. I will find it
and I will give it to you some day.
He then went on to recount how even Lord Wavell and Lord Mount-
batten, both veteran professional soldiers, had expressed their implicit faith in
the value of non-violence.
Lord Wavell was very impressed with the non-violent way in which
the communal troubles between Hindus and Muslims had been tackled by
us. They both hoped that our ideologies of non-violence and pacifism would
be understood by the peoples of the world and practised by all in solving
international disputes.
Of course, they had at the same time said that one should always be
prepared for self-defence. At parting Gandhiji repeated:
Vide Vol. LXXXVII, p. 261.
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
167
I will think about this seriously in the next few days and
will let you know about it soon. However, I would like to see
you more often so that we may further discuss this important
subject. ... I have always had the greatest admiration for the
discipline in the army and also for the importance you army
people pay to sanitation and hygiene. I tell my people in my
talks to them to copy the army in these respects.
Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol. II, pp. 524-5, and Dilhiman Gan-
dhiji — ^II, pp. 13-5
148. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
December 3, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
I receive many visitors. I do not relate to you everything
they say. I do let you know if something is important enough.
Today I had some visitors. It appeared they had had some busi-
ness with the Prime Minister. They said the Prime Minister had
earlier made a certain promise to them and that he was now go-
ing back on the promise. How was that, I asked. They said they
had his letter. I asked them to show me the letter. After all I
had no more power than they. I was not the Government. Yes,
I was a servant, a friend of the Prime Minister, a co-worker, and
so I would speak to him. But how was I to mention it to him?
Then I reflected on the matter and I asked myself why this sort
of thing happened, — people saying one thing and doing another.
I have to bear the brunt of all this. I am sure that I have never
deliberately deceived anyone. It is possible that, without under-
standing the implications, one may say something in all good faith
without any dishonest motives. And yet a person may feel ag-
grieved thinking that he has been deceived. Often things are not
fully understood and the result is breach of faith. But if a person
deliberately breaks a promise it is a bad thing. This should not
happen. The best thing is to keep quiet. Once we have put into
words what we feel, we must act accordingly. Only then can we
be said to be keeping our word. And now especially when we
are free and run the Government in the name of the millions we
must be very careful. We must show restraint, discretion and
humility. We must not be arrogant. Only then can we take our
work to a successful conclusion. No one then will be able to
168
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
charge us with breach of faith. If we say that we shall distri-
bute a certain thing free of cost and later say that we shall charge
something even a little for it, then it is breach of faith. Today
we have come to such a state that we do not value our word.
We make a promise today and wriggle out of it the very next day.
If I make an appointment with you for 4 o’clock tomorrow but
at the appointed time go off to a dance, it is breach of faith. So
I say that we have to be very careful. We must stick to our word,
we must weigh our words before we utter them. We must not
say anything on impulse. For instance we may say that there was
rioting and later colour it and say that there was murder. This
sort of thing cannot be hidden for long. The truth comes out in
the end. So we must be careful.
A doctor from Sind has written to say that the Harijans
left behind there are in a pitiable condition.' If only Harijans
were left behind in Sind and caste Hindus went away, nothing
but annihilation awaited them. The only condition for life
there would be complete slavery and ultimate acceptance of Islam.
This is a bad situation. Today the situation is such that if
the Pakistan Government says something, the officials at its
behest do not implement it. Of course the same thing is true
of India. Jawaharlal and the Sardar say that they shall protect
Muslims, they shall not allow even a single Muslim to be driven
away to Pakistan, but it does not happen. They do not have
people to enforce what they say. Their subordinates do not carry
out their wishes and the people too do not pay any heed. Yester-
day I told you that I had been to Panipat. All the Hindus and
Sikhs who have arrived there are in a miserable plight. They
were ill-treated in Pakistan and they had to flee. They came because
they were oppressed. Otherwise what was the need for them
to run away? Having themselves run away from oppression,
does it behove them to force others into a similar situation?
But this happens. How then can I complain to Pakistan? But I
have to do so. The correspondent has written in detail. He says
no Harijan wants to continue living in Sind. If they want to
stay together at one place they are not left in peace. Forced labour
is extracted from them. They are told to clean lavatories, do the
sweeping and so on. A Bhangi should not be forced to clean
lavatories today. If he can become a barrister, why should he be
stopped? Why should we insist that his only work is to clean
’ According to a telegram sent by Choithram Gidwani to B. R. Ambed-
kar, Harijans in Sind and Baluchistan were being prevented from migrating
to India under the Essential Services Ordinance.
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
169
lavatories? They must be free to act according to their inclination.
If they are told that they can stay only if they embrace Islam,
what can they do and where can they go? You will have seen
the long statement Jagjivan Ram* has issued. He says that
Harijans must come away from Sind. If they want to come
they should be given facilities to do so. So long as they are in
Pakistan they must be allowed to go about their business un-
hampered; otherwise they should be allowed to leave. If this is
not done it is going to leave a permanent sore spot on the Hindu
and the Sikh minds. Although India and Pakistan are two coun-
tries, we cannot forget one another. We have to conduct our-
selves as gentlemen. We must not hurt anyone. We must not
force anyone to become a Muslim. We must not molest and abduct
anyone’s wife or daughter. Dr. Gopichand Bhargava and Sardar
Swaran Singh also said yesterday that India could not tolerate
such things. Today the atmosphere has become so polluted that
if a Muslim says that he has embraced Hinduism this should not
be accepted as genuine. Harijans are non-Muslims. If they say
that they have embraced Islam it is not to be accepted. It is only
fear that makes them say so. All such conversions should be
considered null and void.
Contradictory reports are coming from Kathiawar. Some
reports say that the situation in Kathiawar is as bad as described.
A telegram to that effect has come only today. Other reports
are from the Congress sources and these say that such is not
the case, that the Congress workers can never indulge in such
things. The Hindu Mahasabha and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak
Sangh say that they have never burnt anybody’s house. Which
reports am I to accept as true? Shall I believe the Congress,
or the Muslims, or the Hindu Mahasabha and the Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh ? It has become very difficult to get at the
truth. If mistakes have been committed we must acknowledge
them. If the Hindus have been in the wrong, if they have committed
excesses, it must be admitted. But if this is not the case and if
the Muslims exaggerate when they say that their properties were
burnt, they were forced to become Hindus, that their daughters
were abducted, we must proclaim it to the world that that was
not the case. Similarly if the Hindu Mahasabha and the R. S. S.
have not done anything wrong I must congratulate them. What
the truth is I do not know, though I am trying to find out. I
* (b. 1908); President, All India Depressed Classes’ League, 1936-46;
Labour Minister in the Interim Government; later held important portfolios
like Railways, Food and Agriculture and Defence in the Government of India
170
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
have written to people' I know there. I have also written to Mus-
lims. I have asked them to give me all the details so that I may
be able to see what shapes things are taking there and what the
upshot is going to be.
Now about South Africa. You will have seen what Vijaya-
lakshmi Pandit has said. She says we have been defeated be-
cause we have not been able to secure the required two-thirds of
votes.^ However, a number of people have been helpful and sup-
ported her stand. Besides, truth is on our side and in a way
we have secured a victory.^ The Indians in South Africa should
therefore not be disheartened. But there is something I have to
say. Vijayalakshmi could not have said it because she represented
the Government of India. You do not have a remedy but I have one
which I had applied in South Africa. What is defeat or victory?
The whites of South Africa and Smuts'* may say that they do not
want us there, that we must leave. They may deny us food and
water as is happening to non-Muslims in Pakistan and to Muslims
in India. They have driven away Hindus and Sikhs from Pakistan
under threats. There are still a large number of Hindus and Sikhs
in Bannu. What will happen to them I do not know. Mehar-
chand Khanna^ has been to see me today. He says that in other
places too there are people whose lives may or may not be saved.
If they survive they will have to embrace Islam. But at Bannu
the number is very large. What should they do ? They are like pri-
soners. They cannot get out and if they stay on what are they
to eat? They are in a sad plight. What can the Government do?
It has its own problems. What I have to say here applies also
to the Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs in South Africa. I must tell
them that victory and defeat are of no consequence. ‘You must
' Vide pp. 151 and 163.
^ The Indian Resolution calling for a Round Table Conference on the
treatment of Indians in South Africa failed to obtain the requisite two-third
majority in the United Nations General Assembly, 31 having voted in favour,
19 against, with 6 abstentions and one country absent.
^ Vijayalakshmi Pandit had said: “Ours has been a moral victory of no
small importance.”
“* Field Marshal Jan Christiaan Smuts, Prime Minister of South Africa
^ Ex-Minister for Finance in N. W. F. P.; Secretary of the Khudai Khid-
matgar Parliamentary Party. He was sentenced to six months’ rigorous im-
prisonment on November 27 and on being released on bail came to Delhi. He
expressed grave concern about the safety of the 40,000 Hindus and Sikhs who
were still in Peshawar, Mardan, Bannu, Dera Ismail Khan and Parachinar,
awaiting evacuation as no refugee train was allowed to leave the N. W. F. P.
since October 28. He was also concerned about the non-Muslim prisoners
and under-trials in the Frontier jails.
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
171
say that you will live in South Africa with honour, that you will
not leave. You did not go there because you wanted to. You
were invited. You went as indentured labourers and afterwards
you had children there. If it is a question of rights no one except
the Negroes have a right to be there. The Boers do not have even
as much right as you have.’ There were delegations from all over
the world at the U. N. O. Our country also had to send a dele-
gation. We acted rightly. People assemble there to bring about
justice, that they cannot or will not is another matter. We must
continue our fight in South Africa, not with a sword but with
soul-force. Even the little girl sitting beside me has soul-force,
others too have it. The soldiers, too, have soul-force. The
sword can be snatched away from us. We can be disarmed.
Our arm can be cut off but no one can take away our soul. It is
eternal. It is there today and it will remain tomorrow and the
day after. The body is worthless without the soul. The body one
day has to be disposed of. My wife died and I could not keep her
with me. Mahadev^ died who was of so much help to me. But
I could not keep him and his body had to be cremated. So I
shall say that if the Indians in South Africa have self-respect which
I think they have, if they have courage, they must say that even
if they did not secure two-thirds of the votes at the U. N. they
did secure a very large number. They must tell the whites of
South Africa to let them stay in the country with honour. They
must tell them that they intend to conduct themselves with
dignity. They do not want government service. They do not
expect help from the whites but they must be allowed to breathe
the air, drink the water and live on the land. After all they pay
their way, earn their keep, wherever they want to stay. They do
not claim the right to vote. If they want the vote they must have
it in the same way as the whites have it; otherwise they will do
without it. They will not carry on satyagraha for franchise but
they must safeguard their dignity. They must have bread and
they must have water and they must have land. Also their child-
ren must have education. They will understand if no grants are
forthcoming for the purpose but the education for the children
is their right and they have the right to fight for this. It is not a
question of victory or defeat but of laying down one’s life. They
must do or die. There is no other recourse. If they want to
live in this world in dignity they must do or die. Their duty is
clear and admits of no argument. This is what I have to say
* Mahadev Desai
172
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
to the Indians of South Africa and to you. I have nothing else
to offer.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 160-5
149. LETTER TO KANU GANDHI
New Delhi,
5 a. m., December 4, 1947
CHI. KANAIYO,
Winter has now begun in right earnest here. We have an
electric heater for the night.
I got your letter and the enclosed copy of your suggestions.
I read them as carefully as I should. I like your suggestions. The
entire department should become self-supporting. That will be the
true test of its genuineness. True, we are faced with the question
of the real meaning of ‘self-supporting’, and then there is always
such a thing as self-deception.
Four or five of you may come over if you can. I should like
it. But even then it would still be doubtful if I can give an
impartial verdict. I need to see things for myself and it can
be only if I were personally present in Noakhali. It remains to
be seen whether such an occasion will come in my present life.
Hence I leave it to each one of you to choose to come here or
not to come. Whoever wants to, may come.
You keep on worrying on Abba’s account. Rid yourself of
this anxiety if you can. You can always ask her to go to you.
Jamna wants to see both of you merely because of her attach-
ment. But that does not affect me. Give the enclosed* to Amtus-
salaam to read. I have written in Gujarati so that I may do it
quickly.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
* Vide the following item.
150. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM
New Delhi,
After the morning prayer, December 4, 1947
DAUGHTER A. S.,
You wrote to me and asked Abha not to give the note to
me. Abha told me this; I told her it was her duty to give it
to me. She therefore handed it over to me at night. I read it
just now. You wrote a letter, and sent it and [yet] left instruc-
tions that it should not be delivered to me — all this gives a
complete picture of your unsteady mind.
You seek my guidance and your mind works in the opposite
direction. This is no sign of a desire for guidance. I have
already written to you about this matter, and helped you to
understand it.' I see your good as well as mine only in that.
That alone is real service. You can go to Borkamta on your own.
You may not ask for money from me. You can stay there at
your own free will and at your own will go to the Punjab. If
I could take a definite decision I would certainly take one. But
I am not perfect, I am not omniscient, am I ? Hence, whenever
I am doubtful about my own view I might perhaps offer an
opinion. I cannot do so in your case. You can come if you
want to, either with the others or even alone, provided you can
be spared from there. I have no such desire. Calm down!
Calm down 1 1 Calm down 1 1 1
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
' Vide\o\. LXXXIX, p. 451.
173
151. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM
New Delhi,
Afternoon, December 4, 1947
DAUGHTER A. S.,
Yesterday I did not understand that it was an afterthought
on your part not to let me have your letter.’ Abha strongly takes
your side and says that my letter is sharp and would pain you.
You would surely be pained if I did not at all write to you.
This is true, isn’t it?
There is a letter from Charu Babu today. Am I forbidding
you from going to the Punjab? Only you cannot go with my
consent.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
152. TALK WITH BURMESE DELEGATION^
New Delhi,
December 4, 1947
I am very happy that you could come. But there is nothing
you can learn from our country today. It is our misfortune that
today brother is cutting the throat of brother. You will not take
away this example with you. Our country is very ancient; it has
a unique culture. We must admit with shame that today we
have brought this culture into disrepute. You must not remember
our disgrace. You must be generous. You must ignore our lapses
and see our virtues and make them your own. That we have
secured freedom for our four hundred million people without
a drop of blood having been shed is something unprecedented. Of
course it is possible that the British had got tired or that we were
’ Vide the preceding item.
^ Thakin Nu, Prime Minister of Burma, accompanied by U Tin Tut,
Foreign Minister and U Pe Kin, High Commissioner for Burma in Pakistan,
called on Gandhiji in the afternoon.
The report in The Hindustan Times has been collated with the Gujarati
version in Dilhiman Gandhiji.
174
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
175
too weak to take up arms. But non-violence is not a weapon of
the weak. It is a weapon of the brave. Its immense value can be
measured only when the brave take it up and use it. I therefore
advise you to copy from us not our brutalities but the noble
virtues you see in this country. We have to sustain with-
out the sword the freedom that we have gained without the
sword. Today, one must admit India has an army. But it is
my dream that this army will wield not guns and rifles but pick-
axes and shovels, and they will be suitably trained in this art as
they are today trained in martial arts.'
Gandhiji told them that he hoped Burma would prove equal to any
situation that might arise in the wake of its attaining independence. He
was happy that the Burmese people were united and that there was no
trouble so far.
Thakin Nu invited Gandhiji to visit Burma. Gandhiji said he would be
glad to do so but could not until peaceful conditions returned to India.
The Hindustan Times, 5-12-1947, and Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 19-20
153. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
December 4, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
I talked to you yesterday about Kathiawar. Today I have a
telegram from Shamaldas. Yesterday I had a telegram from
Dhebarbhai too. Both say that the news I have been receiving
had been highly exaggerated. So far as they know no women had
been abducted and there was not a single case of murder. In fact
after Sardar Patel went there nothing untoward happened. Before
that there had been some little rioting and looting. Shamaldas
was upset by my statements, and that was but natural. He has
gone to Kathiawar from Bombay. He will make an investigation
and let me know. I have been receiving telegrams also from the
U. S. A., Iran and London repeating the charge that the Muslims
in Kathiawar have been subjected to terrible atrocities. Truthful
people should not indulge in this kind of propaganda. And what
has Iran got to do with what happens in India?
Shamaldas Gandhi says that he makes no distinction between
Hindus and Muslims. I would like to help the Muslims who write
A Burmese peasant-hat was then presented to Gandhiji.
176
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
to me provided they are on the path of truth. But if they
give up truth and make a mountain out of a molehill and if they
spread stories all over the world, that will be too much. I can
understand wires coming from inside India but when wires
come from abroad it pains me.
I have received a letter from a Muslim in Hoshangabad.
It is a very good letter. Guru Nanak’s birthday is an important
day. Sikhs wherever they are celebrate it. At Hoshangabad also
they celebrated it and invited the Muslims. They assured them
that they were brothers and the Sikhs had no quarrel with them.
Perhaps I told you once how at the Hoshangabad station a Muslim
was on the point of being killed and the Sikhs had come to his
rescue. So if on Guru Nanak’s birthday the Sikhs really did
what the correspondent describes, it is a great thing. If this
example is followed everywhere the blot on us will be removed.
I thought that the newspapers should give publicity to such
happenings.
Another thing I want to talk to you about is the Chamber of
Commerce. I have already hinted to you about the Marwari and
European Chamber of Commerce.* If we can have a Marwari
Vyapari Mandal why can we not have a Muslim Vyapari Mandal
too? But the Marwari Vyapari Mandal people say that it is for
all and that others besides Marwaris are represented on it. I
enquired as to how many Marwaris it had and how many Hindus,
how many Sikhs, how many Europeans. The letters I have re-
ceived from them are in English. They have sent a statement of
their policy and their rules and their report — all in English as if
I did not know Hindustani or Hindi. I confess that I do not know
English as well as I know my own language. How can I dis-
regard the language that I imbibed with my mother’s milk and
give more importance to English which I first started learning
at the age of twelve ? I asked if there were many Englishmen on
that body. They must tell me what it is all about. If the name
is Marwari Vyapari Mandal, then how can everyone join it? The
Muslim Chamber of Commerce can similarly say that it repre-
sents everybody. It can have on it a Hindu or two. This sort
of thing does not convince one.
The Prime Minister of Burma had been to see me.^ He is full
of humility. I told him that it was a very good thing that he
had paid a visit to India. Our country was geographically large
and its culture was no doubt ancient. But what was happening
* Vide pp. 125-6.
^ Vide the preceding item.
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
177
today — the mutual mistrust of Hindus and Muslims — was not
something from which anyone could learn anything. Guru Nanak
preached that the Sikhs should be friendly with both Muslims
and Hindus. In fact there is no such distinction between Hindus
and Sikhs. Tara Singh has said that one cannot separate Hindus
and Sikhs. I should be very happy if we could conduct ourselves
thus. The two religions are fundamentally one. Even Guru Nanak
never said that he was not a Hindu nor did any other Guru.
If we read the Granthsaheb we shall find that it is full of the teach-
ings of the Vedas and Upanishads. The teachings of Koran are
similar. The same is true of the teachings of Guru Govind Singh.
What he taught is also to be found in the Hindu scriptures. There
is nothing wholly new. He has only emphasized certain things.
I claim that they originate from the Vedas. It cannot be said that
Sikhism, Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism are separate religions.
All these four faiths and their offshoots are one. Hinduism is an
ocean into which all the rivers run. It can absorb Islam and
Christianity and all the other religions and only then can it be-
come an ocean. Otherwise it remains merely a stream along
which large ships cannot ply.
What Burma can take from India is its culture which today
has fallen into disrepute. Never before in history has there been
a single instance of so large a country with such immense
population securing its freedom not by violent conflict but through
non-violence. You may say that the English had got fed up and
they left. That is not so. If there is anything to be learnt from
India, it is non-violence. Not that we have learnt the lesson of
non-violence fully. We are weak. We took to non-violence because
we had not the weapons for a violent fight. Non-violence is the
best weapon. Only the pure of heart can use it. I therefore told
the Burmese Prime Minister that if he wished to take anything
from India it should be this non-violence. He must not think that
if India lapsed into barbarity, how could Burma which took its
religion from India advance ? I told him that if he wanted to copy
India he must copy the good qualities that India once had and still
retained. He must not take anything barbarous. We must export
only what is good so that the world may learn from us. Had
India not attained its freedom, Burma and Ceylon also would
not have attained theirs. And India did not become free by resort-
ing to the sword. And if we did not need the sword for securing
freedom, we will not need it for sustaining it. If we cannot keep
our freedom without the sword, then I shall think that India has
done nothing for the world. Today we have an army. Attempts
90-12
178
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
are being made to strengthen it. Attempts are also being made to
further enlarge the Navy and the Air Force. I declare that in this
way we are not really strengthening ourselves. We shall be doing
no good to the world in this way. And if the world learns this
kind of thing from us it is not going to gain anything, rather
it will be doomed.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 166-8
154. LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI
December 5, 1947
CHI. NARANDAS,
Jehangir Patel and Dr. Dinshaw Mehta are going there to
observe for themselves the condition of Muslims in Kathiawar.
They are going in their individual capacities and not on my behalf
or with my authority. They feel that this is the best contribution
they can make towards the service of the country. Introduce them
to whomsoever you think it necessary for them to meet in this
connection. They will not stay in Kathiawar for long. It will not
be more than eight to ten days. They know the Jamsaheb. If neces-
sary, they will meet the other Princes too. We have to consider
what truth there is in the allegations made by the Muslims.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro~9: Shri Narandas Gandhine, Part II, p. 320. Also C. W. 8648.
Courtesy: Narandas Gandhi
155. LETTER TO SHARDA H. KOTAK
December 5, 1947
CHI. SHARDA,
I am not sorry that Harjivan’ has passed away. He suffered
a lot. We tried so many remedies but the disease was fatal. One
would always prefer to pass away in one’s bed. I am not sur-
prised that everyone there helped. I would have been surprised,
pained, if they had not.
^ Addressee’s husband
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING 179
It remains to be seen what you will do now. Remain calm
and do as Lakshmidas and other elders advise.
Could Harjivan see my last letter^? Was he conscious till
the end? I shall await your letter.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Gujarati; Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
156. TALK WITH GHAMHTAMSINGH GUPTA
New Delhi,
December 5, 1947
Now that the English have left the country the national lan-
guage for inter-provincial communication can only be Hindustani.
I have great respect for the English language. But it can never
be the national language of India. We do not persevere in learn-
ing our two ancient scripts, which only means that we do not
have enough patriotism. I will go so far as to say that every
Indian should, if possible, learn all the languages of India. One
should have a zest for it. There is no harm in this. It will only
develop our minds and increase our knowledge.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^II, p. 26
157. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
December 5, 1947
brothers and sisters.
The letters given to me here are sometimes too long. You
cannot expect me to go through them and answer them, because
it takes time even to read them. I cannot read them here for it
would be wasting my time and yours. I have a note which men-
tions my meeting Liaquat Ali Khan. The writer asks if I am still
not satisfied that nothing untoward has happened in Kathiawar. If
the writer of the note is present I may tell him that nothing has
happened in Kathiawar. Shamaldas Gandhi says that nothing has
Vide Vol. LXXXIX, p. 509.
180
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
happened to justify the reports that I have received. There had
been incidents but minor ones. They were given publicity by the
Pakistan newspapers and telegrams were dispatched. The reports
were terrible but such terrible things did not happen. Today I
have another wire from Shamaldas. He says he has made inves-
tigations and found that such things had not taken place. Certainly
after the Sardar’s visit to Kathiawar nothing untoward has
happened. The reports I had earlier received appeared to suggest
it was the Sardar who incited the people to rowdyism. But after
he went to Kathiawar no incidents took place. This changes the
complexion of things. Shamaldas Gandhi says that he will tell
Muslims not to send such telegrams. I have received further tele-
grams from the very Muslims who had earlier made the allegations,
admitting that they were exaggerated and that they had made
a mistake. They have also written to say that the reports car-
ried by the Pakistan newspapers were incorrect, that the extent of
the damage reported was also wrong and it could not be said
that the Muslims were scared and nervous. I am happy to hear
it. I have said that I shall do whatever I can for our Muslim
brethren. We must never kick one who is already down. We
must raise him up. This is the demand of humanity, of love,
this is civilized behaviour. I shall never throw anyone down
even if he be my enemy — though of course I have no enemy. It
was a mere dream that the Muslims would get everything once
Pakistan came into being. After all it is not as if only those
who are in Pakistan would be left alive and those outside Pakistan
would be killed. Pakistan is a veritable sea of Hindus and Muslims.
Will they drive out all the Hindus and Sikhs from there ? Those
that have come out did not really want to leave their homes.
But it has happened. I have received letters from Sikhs saying
that they will know no rest till they are able to go back. For
instance a person may have a thousand-acre farm near Lyallpur
where he had been growing wheat, bananas, cotton and fruits.
How can he leave it for good? He will not rest till he can go
back. And what happened in India? The displaced Sikhs were
furious and wanted revenge. I said it was not humanity. It was
barbarism. They should not indulge in it, that good should
be returned for evil. We must not copy the wrong-doer, we
must emulate the man who does good. It, therefore, gave me
satisfaction when I received that wire from Kathiawar. I shall
tell my Muslim brethren : if something had happened they
should have toned it down to a half or even a quarter; they
should not have exaggerated it and given it publicity in foreign
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
181
countries. After all if Hindus and Sikhs — though there are no
Sikhs there — go wild, can the world save the Muslims? Yes,
they can say that we have not made the right use of our free-
dom. They can threaten to take it away. All that is possible.
But the dead will not return to life thereby. We should there-
fore never exaggerate. Our agony is our own and no outsider
can take it on himself. We should try to make light of it. We
impress the world only when we exaggerate the good work done
by another, not his folly.
There is another thing I must tell you. It does not
concern you but I can convey it through you. I have told
Brijkrishna not to give anyone any appointment to see me from
the 6th to the 13th. That I do not want to see people does not
mean that I am ill or that I want to enjoy myself. For many
months now this matter has been under consideration. I cannot
go to Sevagram. So people from Sevagram are coming here. The
Kasturba Trust will be sitting from tomorrow. Then there will
be meetings of the Spinners’ Association, Nayee Talim, and Village
Industries Association. The four associations are going to meet
during this time. If they are properly conducted they will certainly
consume some time. How am I to give my time to these meetings
and to visitors? I have therefore requested people not to try to see
me during this time. Not that I shall not be doing my own work.
But people coming from outside want to see me out of curiosity.
As I have already said there have been talks going on about
lifting the control on cloth, also on food. Not that it is going
to happen tomorrow, but a process has started and everybody
says I have done a good thing by suggesting it. I have
received letters from all quarters saying that it would be good
if the controls were lifted. Of course if the controls are lifted it
will not mean that we shall be relieved of our obligations. Once
decontrol comes into effect certain obligations devolve on the
traders. I must tell Ghanshyamdas also to produce more cloth.
He may say that he only carries out orders. He produces what
cloth he is asked to produce and he takes the price. But once the
cloth is decontrolled, what will Ghanshyamdas and other friends
do? Does it mean they will be free to loot the people? In that
case I shall be having a very bad time. People will hold me re-
sponsible for it. I am a servant of India irrespective of my
status. If what I say does not appeal to the Government, that is,
to those running the Government, it will have no effect however
much I may shout. I am not God so that whatever I may say
will prevail. I discuss and decide and then say that the control
182
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
on cloth and other articles should be lifted. It means that if five
maunds of foodgrain is available today, we shall have ten maunds
tomorrow because I feel that some of it has been hoarded. But
if the peasants do not have any foodgrain and I say that the
control should be lifted, will the people not then starve? I am not
a fool who will let the people starve. I myself do not starve
because Ghanshyamdas makes available to me goat’s milk and
fruit and vegetables. I believe that the farmers have enough food-
grain but that the price offered is so low that they cannot even
feed themselves on it. They part with whatever the Government
forces out of them. For the rest they say they will declare their
stocks after the control is lifted. I feel that if the farmers can
clear their stocks at a good price they will not starve. Admitting
that we do not have as much foodgrain as we need, does it mean
that a person should eat all that he can lay his hands on, while
his neighbours starve? If we have sunk so low, then there is
no cure. Control certainly is not the cure. If that happens the
Government which is run by our Ministers must abdicate. People
indulge in deceit. They are not truthful. The traders who should
carry on trade for the benefit of the people are interested in
filling their own coffers and in amassing wealth for their sons and
daughters. What should the Government do? Should it use force
or should it shoot people down? We do not have such power nor do
we want such power. We may have a police force but not
for shooting down people. If we start shooting down people
who will be left alive? Where is our thirty-year old training?
Where is our humanity? This cannot go on. In this way we
shall only lose our newly gained freedom. I, therefore, say that
controls must go. If the Government says that decontrol will lead
to starvation, then I shall say that Panchayat Raj has not been
established, democracy has not come to us, that Ramarajya
has not been established and it is for Ramarajya that I want to
keep myself alive. I shall say that those who are made free from
controls should have self-imposed controls on themselves and make
others happy. The civil servants in the Government may call
me names. They may say I have no right to interfere, that I have
no experience of running a government, that afterwards it
would be difficult to reimpose the controls and feed the people.
I shall say they are right. I have never been in the civil service,
I have never run a government, but I have moved among the
millions. I know their hearts. I understand them.
Now about cloth. About food you may say that we have
not enough stock of it. But nobody has yet said that we do not
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
183
have enough cotton. We have so much of it that we export it.
You will say we do not have enough mills. I shall say the mills
are in our homes. They are in the homes of all the women sit-
ting here. Every one of you has been blessed with two hands.
If you want clothes on your back you should spin. If you
cannot, you may go naked. We have a number of mills but if
the production does not come up to the requirement we must
resort to hand-spinning and hand-weaving. Weaving is not diffi-
cult. We have so many weavers in our country that we can have
any amount of cloth woven, but some people have a deli-
cate taste. They will weave only mill-yarn. They cannot
weave hand-spun yarn. If they start weaving hand-spun yarn
there is no need to go naked. Then our beautiful country — the
home of so many hundreds of millions who know their trade, who
know how to produce cloth — cannot go naked. Therefore control
on cloth is the limit of ignorance and the sooner it is lifted the
better. So far as foodgrain is concerned the farmers and traders
must declare that they produce and sell to meet the people’s
needs, and they will not indulge in dishonest practices. The far-
mers should understand that they have to grow crops not merely
to feed themselves but to feed all. We must produce one seer
where we produced only a half. But let us guide the people;
let us provide them incentive. There is no need for anyone
to go hungry or naked in India. We have been denuded of our
cloth because of our ignorance. We do not produce as much
food or as much milk as we need even though we have a large
number of cattle. What is this if not folly?
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarihana Pravachan — II, pp. 169-74
158. A TALK^
New Delhi,
December 5, 1947
When someone has fever the doctor first seeks to rid him of
the fever by giving a mixture. The fever goes down. But it will
come back, for the disease has not been diagnosed and the cause
of the fever has not been traced. Similarly most people in the
world today want an end to war, but wars continue. If the
causes of wars were discovered and justice done where justice was
demanded, there would be no wars. Today various groups of people
have been pleading with the Government to ban cow-slaughter.
I know that even beef-eaters have asked for such a ban, but as
soon as a cow goes dry people stop looking after her. They do
not ask that cows should be cared for. They simply ask that cow-
slaughter should be stopped. But if everyone looked after cows
well and insisted that no one should eat beef, cow-slaughter would
stop by itself. But beef-eating goes on, the cows are neglected and
yet the Government is asked to stop cow-slaughter. That would be
making fun of the Government. In the same way one must first
look deeply into the causes of wars and seek ways to remove those
causes. Wars in a large measure are fought over economic issues.
If we give up selfishness and resolve to take the barest minimum
for the satisfaction of our wants, there will be no occasion for wars.
Unless there is a complete transformation in our economy and our
style of life, peace will elude us, however hard we may strive for it.
Europe and America want peace and yet they use their intellec-
tual, technical and scientific resources for production of nuclear
weapons. Therefore, while they express the wish that peace
should reign in the world, they are busy inventing ways to dis-
turb the peace and to destroy the world. It does not occur to
them to seek ways to restore peace and stop the possibility of
wars.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 28-30
* A friend accompanying Jawaharlal Nehru had asked Gandhiji how
peace in the world was to be established.
184
159. GIVE AND TAKE
A Sindhi sufferer writes:
At this critical time when thousands of our countrymen are leav-
ing their ancestral homes and are pouring in from Sind, the Punjab and
the N. W. F. P., I find that there is, in some sections of the Hindus, a
provincial spirit. Those who are coming here suffered terribly and
deserve all the warmth that the Hindus of the Indian Union can rea-
sonably give. You have rightly called them dukhiA though they are
commonly called sharanarthis. The problem is so great that no govern-
ment can cope with it unless the people back the efforts with all
their might. I am sorry to confess that some of the landlords have
increased the rents of houses enormously and some are demanding
pagri. May I request you to raise your voice against the provincial spi-
rit and the pagri system specially at this time of terrible suffering?
Though I sympathize with the writer, I cannot endorse his
analysis. Nevertheless I am able to testify that there are rapa-
cious landlords who are not ashamed to fatten themselves at the
expense of the sufferers. But I know personally that there are
others who, though they may not be able or willing to go as
far as the writer or I may wish, do put themselves to inconve-
nience in order to lessen the suffering of the victims. The best
way to lighten the burden is for the sufferers to learn bow to pro-
fit by this unexpected blow. They should learn the art of humi-
lity which demands a rigorous self-searching rather than a search
of others and consequent criticism, often harsh, oftener undeserved
and only sometimes deserved. Searching of self ennobles, search-
ing of others debases. The sufferers should learn the art and
virtue of corporate life, in which the circumstance of co-operation
is ever widening till at last it encircles the whole human race.
If they do this no sufferer will live in isolation. All of them,
no matter to which province they belong, will hold together and
would be considering not the welfare of self but that of all. This
does not mean that all of them will live or insist on living at one
place, an impossible feat at any time, more so today, when lakhs
upon lakhs of people have been torn from their homes, not
’ The Gujarati version of this appeared in Harijanbandhu, 14-12-1947.
2 Vide p. 104.
185
186
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
knowing where to lay their heads upon. But this humble spirit of
co-operation does mean that wherever they are placed, they will
feel one with all the sufferers, no matter from what strata of society
they are drawn or to which province they belong. Insistence
on being accommodated in a particular place of one’s choice there
will be none. The sufferers will never grumble. They will disdain
to occupy houses belonging to Muslim owners or tenants, whether
these places are physically occupied or evacuated. It is for the
Government to decide what they will do with property evacuated
under abnormal conditions that are prevalent in India today.
The sufferers’ one and only care would be to hold together and
act as one man. It would be seen that if the idea thus presented
takes shape and spreads, the problem of accommodating suffer-
ers, otherwise styled refugees, will become incredibly simple and
they will cease to be a menace.
Moreover, every sufferer who is not a cripple will do his
or her full share of work against bread, clothing and shelter
in a becoming manner. Thus they will realize the dignity
of labour and feel dependent upon no one. All will be equal
to one another irrespective of sex. Some labour will be shared
by all, e. g., sanitary work including latrine-cleaning and scaveng-
ing. No labour will be considered too low or too high. In this
society there will be no room for drones, idlers or loafers. This
camp life is any day superior to the city life of dirt and squalor
side by side with palaces — difficult to decide which is a greater
eyesore between the two.
New Delhi, December 6, 1947
Harijan, 14-12-1947
160. LETTER TO VALJI G. DESAI
December 6, 1947
CHI. VALJI,
I read your article on the cinema' just now. It took me
some time to decipher some of the English words which were un-
familiar to me. When you quote from a book, it will perhaps
help if you send the book, too. Alternatively, you may get the
article typed or write it in a still clearer hand. I would not be
able to translate this article into Gujarati. I myself did not
' The article entitled “Reconstitute Film Censor Boards” appeared in
Harijan, 14-12-1947.
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
187
follow all the English words fully. You had agreed to send the
Gujarati and the Hindi translations also. Even if you cannot
send the Hindi, send the Gujarati. You may, if you wish, send it
directly. I am writing to the people at Ahmedabad not to
translate it into Gujarati. As for your previous articles, I am
inquiring about them.
Are you all right?
Blessings from
Bapu
From the Gujarati original: C. W. 7506. Courtesy: Valji G. Desai
161. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
December 6, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
You heard the bhajan and the Ramdhun sung by Subbulakshmi'.
She is new to Delhi. Usually she gives music recitals. One ought
to lose oneself while singing bhajans and Ramdhun. Today you
must have realized why people are so keen to hear her. She has
a melodious voice. I welcomed her message offering to come
and sing here.
Today I do not wish to take more than 15 minutes. Yester-
day I took 25 minutes which was too long. I am ashamed of
it. I must train myself to finish within 15 minutes. Today I in-
tend to take only 15 minutes and leave out what cannot be
covered within that time.
I had a letter from a friend yesterday. I have only been
able to read a part of it. I have another letter today which I
have not been able to go through. I must ask to be excused.
The letter which I have read in part says that I am too simple a
man, that I do not know how the world’s affairs are run and am
apt to be deceived. The correspondent also explains the nature
of the deception and cautions me to be careful. He asks me to
see what is happening in Pakistan and suggests that we should
do the same here. That we should take revenge I do not agree.
We cannot burn the houses of the Muslims. However humble
those houses may be they are as dear to their owners as the
palaces of millionaires may be to them. It is in these houses
that they live. When a Muslim has to go to Pakistan he suffers.
' M. S. Subbulakshmi, eminent exponent of Carnatak music
188
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
The correspondent asks when the displaced Hindus and Sikhs
can go back to their homes. I may inform him that so long as
they do not go back I shall not rest. It is a different thing if
they die before that happens. So long as there is a single Hindu
or Sikh left who does not get his house back, I shall not rest.
Yes, one may not ask that the house that has been burnt should
be restored to its former state. No government can do that, not
even the Government of India. I shall say that the Hindus and
Sikhs should go to Model Town and stay there. The Lahore
Hindus and Sikhs can ask the Pakistan Government to return
them their houses and their land just as they are. All that
they should ask is that the Muslims who have occupied their
properties should be made to vacate them. We cannot ask them
to raise houses on the land. They should merely return the land.
Those who are now in the Indian Union should become truthful
and decent. We must not imitate Pakistan. If they cut off
their noses we can’t do the same.
I shall further say to the correspondent that if we have made
a mistake we must rectify it. Everyone makes mistakes. Only, one
must not repeat them. Man is liable to err, even as he has the
potentiality to do good. Once he rectifies his mistakes, he can
only do good. If we stick to our dharma it is not necessary to
advertise it to the world.
I have had to write on what happened to Kathiawar Mus-
lims. I did the right thing. It is good to tell the Hindus there
about it. It is good to tell the Government. It is our right. When
we agreed to the formation of Pakistan we had not bargained for
the houses of Hindus and Sikhs being burnt in Pakistan and their
being driven out of the country. If mistakes have been made
they must be rectified. Of course they can say that we should also
rectify our own mistakes. They may say that the Muslims who
had gone to Pakistan were driven out of India and that they
should be taken back. If that is done the displaced Hindus and
Sikhs could go back to Pakistan and the displaced Muslims in
Pakistan could come back to India. This will be good both for
India and Pakistan. If not, then both the countries will fall in
the eyes of the world. We have always conducted ourselves hon-
ourably. We won our freedom honourably. It is not I who say
it. It is not Hindus and Muslims who say it. It is the whole
world that says that we have attained our freedom by honour-
able means. We should preserve it by honourable means and
not by resorting to rowdyism. Rowdyism could be the way
to lose our freedom. If we keep our conduct and our behaviour
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
189
clean the world will see that we have made amends for our
former mistakes. What is the world going to do about Pakistan
— you may ask. I shall say that the world does not have to do
anything or say anything. Pakistan has to cleanse itself.
I am reminded that the Resolution* passed by the A. I. C. C.
had my support and that I am responsible for its being passed. I
am however told that people do not want it. Displaced Hindus
and Sikhs do not want to go back to Pakistan. I do not say that
they should go back as beggars. True, they have come away
from Pakistan because they were helpless. But they must go back
with dignity. The Pakistan Muslims should tell them that they
have changed for the better and now invite them to go back.
Similarly we should tell the Muslims who have gone away that
their houses and their land are as they had left behind and that
they should come and occupy them. If we get over our madness
and behave as gentlemen, things will be all right. Where is the
deception here? I do not deceive anyone. The world should
not look for deception here. The A. I. C. C. has passed the Reso-
lution that the displaced Hindus and Sikhs should all go back
to their homes and land in Lyallpur and they should be invited
to do so with love. Our Sikh brethren used to be farmers there.
They have to go there in any case. This is my dream. I wish
to live to see this dream realized. If it is not the will of God
that this dream be realized. He will take me away. That is
why I am staying on in Delhi. If I cannot do this here, where
else can I do anything? If only Pakistan would mend its ways,
confess its errors and assure us that it would behave decently, all
would be well and we could live as good neighbours. There is
no reason why we should remain enemies of each other. Enmity
cannot be our dharma. I have concluded within ten minutes
today.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 175-8
* Vide Appendix I, Resolution (2), “ Repatriation of Refugees ”.
162. DISCUSSION AT KASTURBA GANDHI NATIONAL
MEMORIAL TRUST MEETING
New Delhi,
December 7, 1947
question: Should the sevikas^ of the Kasturba Trust be given instruc-
tion in first-aid and home remedies or should this be a different department?
For instance, should the women engaged in Nayee Talim and khadi work
receive such training too?
GANDHiji : I do hold that any woman who wants to be an
all-round village worker must have a basic training in nursing.
That is to say she must know how to deal with and treat com-
mon diseases such as boils, malaria, scabies, vomiting, diarrhoea
and so on. I of course believe only in nature cure. But these
women must know what the disease is, what diet is to be given
and how sponging, enema, etc., have to be given. All this is
of course covered under Nayee Talim.
Q. Now that we have our own Government, should we accept assis-
tance from the Government? For instance scholarships?
G. This, as in the case of the previous question, is a matter
of individual discretion. But I hold the view that we should not
alter the policy we have adopted so far. People everywhere seem
to have become unconcerned and imagine that since now we
have our own Government there is no harm in accepting grants.
But our Government has been there for barely five months, and
in this brief period it has had to carry enormous burdens. The
financial plight of the Government today is far from easy and we
must not make it more difficult by burdening it further, nor should
the Government involve itself in the question. This much relief
can certainly be expected with our own Government in power,
viz., that workers, both men and women, working in the Kasturba
Trust and other national institutions, will not have to face the
difficulties they did under the British rule.
q. If the sevikas who have received training start working for the
Communist Party, what should one do? Should one ask them to refund the
expenses incurred on their training? Again, if women from the Communist
Party or the Socialist Party request for training being given to them, should
* Women workers
190
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
191
they be given the training? And should we take in trainees recommended
by the Government?
G. It cannot of course be a happy situation if we train workers
and are then denied the benefit of their services. But we must not
be disappointed. If the Government sends us trainees and pays
their expenses we must give them the training. And we must
emphatically tell the trainees that courtesy demands that they
observe the conditions that go with the training. We must not worry
which ism a trainee follows, or which party she comes from. We
must be satisfied if she signs the pledge and follows the rules. This
is not a sectarian organization or a party organization. It is an
institution of service. We should not seek Government grants. We
have to train women village workers for the revival of the villages.
Q,. Should we have prayers in the training institutions?
G. Certainly, prayers we must have. In fact I hold that
prayers must become a part of life. It is so with me. Prayer is
the food of the soul. It is the broom to sweep away all the dirt
from the mind. And the women getting instructions in the camp
should as a matter of etiquette present themselves for prayers at the
appointed time. Whether they are believers or non-believers,
whether they have faith in prayers or not, they must attend the
prayers. It cannot be without its effects.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 43-5
163. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
December 7, 1947
brothers and sisters.
Today I wish to talk to you about a very complicated matter,
which is also rather sensitive. It has appeared in the newspapers.
You will have seen that yesterday some Hindu women workers went
to Lahore and met some Muslim women there.' They discussed
the question of what ought to be done about the Hindu women
' An Inter-Dominion Conference was held in Lahore on December 6,
to consider ways and means for the restoration of abducted women.
A joint appeal to the people of Pakistan and India to restore all
abducted women was made by the representatives at the Conference. Promi-
nent among the signatories to the appeal were: Ghazanfar Ali, Iftikhar Hus-
sain Khan of Mamdot, Begum Liaquat Ali Khan, Begum Shah Nawaz,
Begum Bashir Ahmed, Iftikhar-ud-din, K. C. Neogy, Swaran Singh,
Rameshwari Nehru, Mridula Sarabhai and Kamaladevi Chattopadhyaya.
192
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
abducted by Muslims in Pakistan and the Muslim women abducted
by Hindus and Sikhs in East Punjab. A very large number of
Muslims have already left India and it is possible some more
may yet leave. We should now resolve that not a single Muslim
will be compelled to leave. If they voluntarily opt for Pakistan
that is a different matter. But the fact is that no one wants
voluntarily to leave India. Why should anyone want to give up
one’s house and property? It is not as if they had houses and
properties waiting for them in Pakistan. Those voluntarily
opting for Pakistan or going for the sake of jobs are very few,
which is natural because there are not enough jobs for them
in Pakistan. And if their established businesses in India are not
affected, there is no reason for them to go.
But what of the women? This is a complicated question.
Some say that about 12,000 women had been abducted by
Hindus and Sikhs and twice that number had been abducted by
Muslims in Pakistan. Some others say that this estimate is too
low. I would say 12,000 is not a small number. Why, a thousand,
or even one, is not a small number. Why should even a single
woman be abducted? It is barbaric for a Hindu woman to be
abducted by a Muslim or a Muslim woman to be abducted by
a Hindu or a Sikh. Some people believe that 12,000 represents a
very conservative figure. Let us say that 12,000 women had
been abducted by Muslims of Pakistan and another 12,000 women
had been abducted by Hindus and Sikhs of East Punjab. The
problem is how to recover them. The women workers had been
to Pakistan to consider how to solve this problem. The Hindu
and Sikh women carried away by force should be restored to
their families. Similarly the Muslim women taken away should
be restored to theirs. This task should not be left to the families
of the women. It should be our charge. They also met Ghazan-
far Ali' and a police officer whose name I forget. Mridulabehn^
and Rameshwaribehn^, who had been to Lahore, both gave me
separate reports and told me that they discussed the question of
how abducted women should be recovered. Obviously it will
* Minister in charge of Relief and Rehabilitation in Pakistan; he had
suggested at the Conference that a joint organization of the Dominions of
India and Pakistan should be formed for the restoration of kidnapped women
and children to their families.
^ Daughter of Ambalal Sarabhai; one of the trustees of the Kasturba
Gandhi National Memorial Trust
^ Rameshwari Nehru; Vice-President, Central Board of Harijan Sevak
Sangh; President of the women’s section set up by the Ministry of Relief and
Rehabilitation
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
193
not do to send police parties or armed units as an escort for
these women. Of course some Hindu and Sikh women workers
could go to Pakistan accompanied by police officers from East
Punjab to bring back the abducted women. But this is not
being done. It is said that the women concerned do not now
want to return, but still they have to be brought back. Muslim
women similarly have to be taken back to Pakistan. It is also
said that the Sikh and Hindu women concerned have embraced
Islam and married their Muslim abductors. It could be true.
But I do not admit that they are not willing to return. Similar
is the case of Muslim women in India.
We have become barbarous in our behaviour. It is true of
East Punjab as well as of West Punjab. It is meaningless to ask
which of them is more barbaric. Barbarity has no degrees. Raja
Gazanfar Ali says that both parties have indulged in atrocious
behaviour. It is not necessary to ask who has been more guilty.
Atrocities have taken place on a mass scale and it is irrelevant
who took the first step. The need is for women who have been
abducted and harassed to be taken back to their homes. It is
my belief that the police cannot do this. The army cannot do
this. Yes, a team of women workers could be sent to East Punjab
and another team to West Punjab but I do not think that would
be effective. I can say as a man of experience that this is not the
way to do this work. This is a task for the Governments to tackle.
I am not saying that the Governments were behind the abduc-
tions. It was not the Government of East Punjab which organized
abductions. In East Punjab Hindus and Sikhs were responsible for
them and in West Punjab Muslims were responsible. What further
investigation is required? Whatever the number — I put it at
12,000 at least — East Punjab and West Punjab should return
them.
It is being said that the families of the abducted women no
longer want to receive them back. It would be a barbarian
husband or a barbarian parent who would say that he would
not take back his wife or daughter. I do not think the women
concerned had done anything wrong. They had been subjected
to violence. To put a blot on them and to say that they are no
longer fit to be accepted in society is unjust. At least this
does not happen among Muslims. At least Islam is liberal in
this respect, so this is a matter that the Governments should take
up. The Governments should trace all these women. They
should be traced and restored to their families. The police and
women social workers cannot effectively deal with this. The
90-13
194
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
problem is difficult, which means to say that public opinion is
not favourable. You cannot say that all the 12,000 women were
abducted by ruffians. I do not think that is the case. It is good
men that have become ruffians. People are not born as goondas;
they become so under certain circumstances. Both the Govern-
ments had been weak in this respect. Neither Government has
shown enough strength to recover the abducted women. Had
both the Governments exercised authority, what happened in East
Punjab and West Punjab would not have happened. But our
independence was born only three months ago. It is still in its
infancy.
In my view Pakistan is responsible for spreading this poison.
But what good can come from apportioning responsibility? There
is only one way of saving these women and that is that the Gov-
ernments should even now wake up to their responsibility, give
this task the first priority and all their time and accomplish it even
at the cost of their lives. Only thus can these women be rescued.
Of course we should help the Government if it requires help.
As I told you yesterday I should not speak for more than fif-
teen minutes; so I end here. Two or three minutes are still left
but I shall not use them.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 178-82
164. A FOREWORD
Charlie Andrews* was simple like a child, upright as a die,
and shy to a degree. For the biographers^ the work has been a
labour of love. A life such as Andrews’ needs no introduction.
It is its own introduction.
New Delhi, December 8, 1947
Charles Freer Andrews, p. 15
* Charles Freer Andrews (1871-1940); English missionary, author and
educationist; a close associate of Gandhiji and Rabindranath Tagore
^ Benarsidas Chaturvedi and Marjorie Sykes
165. NO LIMITATIONS^
A correspondent says in substance:
Individual ahimsa I can understand. Corporate ahimsa
between friends is also intelligible. But you talk of ahimsa
towards avowed enemies. This is like a mirage. It will be a
mercy if you give up this obstinacy of yours. If you do not,
you will forfeit the esteem you enjoy. What is worse, you,
being considered a Mahatma, mislead many credulous persons
to their own and society’s harm.
That non-violence which only an individual can use is not of
much use in terms of society. Man is a social being. His ac-
complishments to be of use must be such as any person with suffi-
cient diligence can attain. That which can be exercised only
among friends is of value only as a spark of non-violence. It can-
not merit the appellation of ahimsa. “Enmity vanishes before
ahimsa”, is a great aphorism. It means that the greatest enmity
requires an equal measure of ahimsa for its abatement. Cultiva-
tion of this virtue may need long practice, even extending to
several births. It does not become useless on that account.
Travelling along the route, the pilgrim will meet richer experiences
from day to day so that he may have a glimpse of the beauty
he is destined to see at the top. This will add to his zest. No one
is entitled to infer from this that the path will be a continuous
carpet of roses without thorns. A poeH has sung that the way
to reach God accrues only to the very brave, never to the faint-
hearted. The atmosphere today is so much saturated with poison
that one refuses to recollect the wisdom of the ancients and to
perceive the varied little experiences of ahimsa in action. “A bad
turn is neutralized by a good”, is a wise saying of daily ex-
perience in practice. Why can we not see that if the sum-total
of the world’s activities was destructive, it would have come to
an end long ago? Love, otherwise ahimsa, sustains this planet of
ours.
This much must be admitted. The precious grace of life has
to be strenuously cultivated, naturally so because it is uplifting.
Descent is easy, not so ascent. A large majority of us being
* A Gujarati version of this appeared in Harijanbandhu, 14-12-1947.
^ Pritam
195
196
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
undisciplined, our daily experience is that of fighting or swearing
at one another on the slightest pretext.
This, the richest grace of ahimsa, will descend easily upon
the owner of hard discipline.
New Delhi, December 8, 1947
Harijan, 14-12-1947
166. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING^
New Delhi,
Silence Day, December 8, 1947
A Muslim organization has cautioned me against taking at
face value anything said to me whether by a Hindu or a Muslim
and making it the basis of an argument. It suggests that I had
better investigate the matter first and then decide what to do and
it adds that I should personally visit Kathiawar and see things
for myself. I have already said that this is a thing I cannot at
present undertake. I should do what I can remaining in and
around Delhi. Those who offer me advice forget that so far it
has been possible to have the charges withdrawn. When one
wants to arrive at the truth for the sake of the truth, the result
is always good. This has been repeatedly tried. In such matters
patience and perseverance are of the utmost importance.
I keep receiving letters from Sind. There is one from Karachi
which says: “There are no killings but Hindus cannot live here
with honour and dignity. The Muslims who have gone there
from India can enter any Hindu homes at will and announce
their intention to stay there. They have no authority, but we
dare not say no to them. There had been innumerable incidents of
this kind. The Karachi of a few months ago has become a thing
of dreams.” This is the substance of the letter which is very long.
What the letter says can, I feel, be believed. It means that there
is total anarchy there. This is the way of killing people slowly.
There is also such a thing as killing souls. I appeal to Pakistan to
stop this lawlessness. It is a disease and the sooner it is got rid
of the better.
Sugar has been decontrolled. Cereals, pulses and cloth will
soon be decontrolled. The purpose of decontrol is not to bring
down the prices all at once. The purpose for the present is to
* As Gandhiji was observing silence, his written speech was read out
at the prayer meeting.
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
197
make our life natural. Controls imposed from above are always
bad. In our country, this is especially so because we have a vast
population spread over a country 1,900 miles long and 1,500
miles broad. I do not take count of Pakistan here. We are not
a martial nation. We produced, or at any rate we can produce,
our own food and enough cotton for our requirements. When
controls are lifted people will have a feeling of freedom and they
will also have the right to make mistakes. This is an age-old
way of making progress — to advance by making mistakes and recti-
fying them. If you keep a child wrapped up in cottonwool it
will die or become stunted. If you want to see him grow into a
strong man you will have to train him to stand every kind of
weather. Similarly if the Government deserves to be called a gov-
ernment it must teach people how to face shortages. It must teach
them to weather bad times by united effort. It is no good helping
them somehow to keep alive without their having to work for it.
Viewed thus, decontrol means that instead of merely a few
people in the Government the millions have to learn to be far-
sighted. The Government will have to assume fresh responsibilities
on behalf of the people so that it can discharge its obligation to-
wards them. It would have to improve transport. It would have
to teach people ways of improving the yield. In this matter the
Food Ministry will have to pay more attention to small farmers
than to big landlords. The Government thus has on the one hand
to trust the people as a whole and keep a watch on their occupa-
tions and on the other to keep in mind the interest of the small
farmers. So far no attention has been paid to them and yet a
large majority of the population consists of them. The peasant
himself consumes what he grows. He sells his small surplus in order
to buy the other necessities of life. One consequence of controls
was that the peasant could realize only a very low price from the
market for his produce. Therefore in so far as the peasant gets
a higher price for foodgrain the price of foodgrain will increase.
The consumer should not mind that. The Government will have
to see that any benefit from the rise in prices under the new
arrangement goes wholly to the farmer. This will have to be
explained to the people every day or at least every week. Millers
and all kinds of middlemen will have to co-operate with the
Government and work under its direction.
I think this is being done. All these various persons and or-
ganizations should work in full concord and in full co-operation.
So far they have always exploited the poor. The rivalry that has so
marked their attitude to each other should go. Especially in the
198
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
matter of food and cloth no one should work for the sake of
profit. If decontrol leads to traders making larger profits, then the
purpose of decontrol will be defeated. Let us hope that capitalists
and businessmen will offer full co-operation.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy; All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 182-5
167. LETTER TO ISMAT lETIKHAR-UD-DIN
New Delhi,
December 9, 1947
MY DEAR ISMAT’,
I was sorry that you were so ill and glad to hear that you
were better. You should get quite well quickly, so as to do the
very necessary work of reclaiming the poor abducted women in
both the parts of the Punjab.
Tell Iftikhar^ it was naughty of him to cease to write to
me after his transfer of loyalty.
Bapu
Begum Iftikhar-ud-din
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
168. LETTER TO JIVANJI D. DESAI
December 9, 1947
CHI. JIVANJI,
I have not been able to write much this time. Still enough
is being dispatched. There are two copies of each item.
The Hindustani will be completed by Sushila by this evening
and will, therefore, be dispatched tomorrow. That is what was
done last week, too.
1 understand why some articles were left out. Nobody on
that side is to be blamed.
Blessings from
Bapu
From the Gujarati original: C. W. 6962. Courtesy: Jivanji D. Desai.
Also G. N. 9988
* Wife of Mian Iftikhar-ud-din
2 President, Punjab Provincial Congress Committee; left Congress in 1946
and joined the Muslim League; Minister of Rehabilitation in Pakistan till
November, 1947; President, Punjab Muslim League, 1950; on being expelled
from it founded the Azad Pakistan Party
169. LETTER TO A MAULANA
Birla House, New Delhi,
December 9, 1947
MAULANA SAHEB,
I had a talk with Sardar Patel about the Muslims from
outside who want to settle in Delhi. He says that he has no
objection to nationalist Muslims settling in Hazarat Nizamuddin
if they wish, whatever their number. But he is against bringing
Muslims from outside, to be rehabilitated in the interior of Delhi
in houses now evacuated. For, if the Muslims now evacuating
these houses return, where will they be accommodated? Secondly,
if Muslims from outside are rehabilitated in these houses the Hindu
and Sikh refugees who cannot find accommodation are bound to
object and argue that while they have not been rehabilitated
outsiders are brought in for settling. The Sardar’ s view seems quite
right to me. Therefore you may bring the nationalist Muslims
and help them settle in Hazarat Nizamuddin. These outsiders
should not be accommodated in the city’s interior.
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
170. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
December 9, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
Today I attended a meeting of the Trustees of the A. I. S. A.
and naturally I had to speak for half an hour to the women. If
I have the time — for I shall be finishing the speech in 15 minutes
— I shall tell you about that today. Otherwise I shall do so
tomorrow.
You will have seen in the papers today a report saying that
Sardar Patel and I are going to Pilani. Why? For a change of
air. It is a mere canard. I do not know what the Sardar has in
mind but I certainly know that this is not the time to seek a
change of air. The Sardar works all day long and rests at night
and that is all the change of air he gets. The same applies to me.
199
200 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
It is true that I am not so overworked because I do not have to
run a government. But I receive many visitors and I get tired.
Therefore I have to give myself rest. The air is quite congenial
in Delhi at present and there is no need to go out for a change of
air. What can Pilani offer? So far as I am concerned I have
taken a pledge to do or die. I have not fulfilled that pledge. I
cannot understand why newspapers publish such rumours. I can
only conclude that a large part of what the newspapers put out
consists of falsehoods. Then I came to know — though not from
newspapers — that since we are going there certain directives
have come from Jaipur about the quantity of sugar, wheat and
other provisions that we shall be needing. Although we are only
two persons to be provided for, a scarcity seems to have been
created in the market. It is of course only hearsay. If true it
reveals a shocking state of affairs that our movements should
influence the market. It is as though we lived only in order
to eat or that we had large retinues following us. This should
not be so. The Sardar is a poor man, and so am I. It is true
that he lives in a palatial house; so do I at present. Of course
the best thing would have been for him and for me to live in a
mud hut. Anyway, what I was trying to tell you is about the
way rumours are spread. After all I am available here. They
might have asked me if I planned to go to Pilani. I now have
a telegram from the Associated Press in this connection which
hurts me even more. The Sardar is always busy but they should
have asked me whether we are going.
I have a letter from a friend from Sind. He has given his
name but I shall not disclose it though he would not mind my
doing so. I had told you about a letter from a doctor in Sind
who had reported the hardships of the Sind Harijans.^ The doctor
has been arrested. Whether he was arrested because he wrote to
me or for some other reason I do not know. Many persons who
served Harijans have been arrested. This is the kind of thing that
is happening in Sind. I admit that people are not being murdered,
but as I told you yesterday this is worse than murder. When
you murder a man he is dead and everyone then puts up with
the fact, but to harass people and kill them by inches is much
worse. A man was arrested and then released — maybe they will
release others too. But it is bad to arrest people like this. I do
not wish to make accusations against the Pakistan Government
but I must warn them that if they keep arresting Harijan workers
• Vide pp. 168-9.
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
201
in this way it will be impossible for the workers to continue to stay
in Sind. The same is true of Harijans. This sort of thing was
common during the British rule. Must we continue the same
practice ?
I still have a few minutes, so I shall tell you about another
matter, viz., about the women. The Kasturba Memorial Trust
has been set up because there are 700,000 villages in India and
women and children living in them must be served. But there
is a larger issue confronting us; a large number of Hindu and
Sikh women have been abducted by Muslims and an equally
large number of Muslim women have been abducted by Hindus
and Sikhs. Leave aside the question which community has abduct-
ed more women. In any case under each of the two Governments
no less than 12,000 women and girls have been abducted. What is
the Kasturba Trust to do? I shall do what lies in my power.
One thing is obvious, that we cannot take up this work to adver-
tise ourselves. Those who are public servants have to do the
work of service. Once the work is over there is an end to it. It is
of no importance whether the matter is reported in the news-
papers or not. Again, we have to consider the various things that
should be done for women. I can suggest a few things. Most
women workers we have are from the cities. We could find a few
in villages and even these had some connection with cities. I do
not say that it is bad, that it is wrong to have anything to do
with cities. But for the last 150 years the trend has been for
cities to exist only to squeeze wealth out of the villages. They
took raw material from the villages, carried on trade with
foreign countries and made crores of rupees. This money did
not go to the villagers, or only a very small fraction of it did.
The bulk of it went to millionaires and the mill-owners. Towns
exist to exploit the villages. The city culture does not therefore
fit into the framework of villages. A woman worker from a town
should not carry to the villages the atmosphere and the ways of
towns. Maybe she has a lot of money and articles of luxury.
Maybe she has a motor car, cosmetics, dresses of velvet and
toothpastes, foreign or indigenous, tooth brushes, dainty shoes
and sandals. If she takes all these things along with her, how can
she serve the villages ? If with these things she sets the standard for
the villagers they will devour the villages. The cities should be
for increasing the prosperity of the villages, for making money
available to them for developing the village culture. But what is
happening is the very opposite of this. I cannot explain to you
everything. All I have to say is that the women workers who
202
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
truly want to serve, not to exploit, must have a sense of pro-
priety and take to the villages only the things that it would be
appropriate to take. Such reforms as they wish to introduce must
be in conformity with the genius of the villages. If that happens
our seven lakh villages which today are in a sunken state can come
up. The villages are not inhabited by uncivilized people with no
art and nothing good to show in life. There is much beauty
in the villages. There is much art and there are industries that
the whole world knows about. Village crafts have been appre-
ciated all over the world. Therefore the women workers who
would serve villages must leave behind the things associated with
city-life. They should take with them only what is good and
moral. Then alone can they help in the uplift of the millions of
our women and children. This much at any rate let us do.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 185-8
171. QUESTION BOX
Q. Why does Gandhiji resort to a fast when he faces extreme difficulties?
What is the effect of this action on the life of the public of India?
A. Such a question has been put to me before but never,
perhaps, precisely in the same terms. The answer, however, is
easy. It is the last weapon in the armoury of the votary of
ahimsa. When human ingenuity fails, the votary fasts. This fast-
ing quickens the spirit of prayer, that is to say, the fasting is a
spiritual act and, therefore, addressed to God. The effect of such
action on the life of the people is that when the person fasting
is at all known to them their sleeping conscience is awakened.
But there is the danger that the people through mistaken sympathy
may act against their will in order to save the life of the loved
one. This danger has got to be faced. One ought not to be de-
terred from right action when one is sure of the rightness. It can
but promote circumspection. Such a fast is undertaken in obe-
dience to the dictates of the inner voice and, therefore, prevents
haste.
New Delhi, December 10, 1947
Harijan, 21-12-1947
172. ITS DEEP ROOTS
A correspondent writes to the effect that:
Even after independence, the hold of the English lan-
guage on the city people does not seem to have relaxed to
any appreciable extent. In proof of his statement he cites
the Industrial and Agricultural Exhibition held in Bombay,
at which the opener’s speech was in English, the signboards
were painted in English and the correspondence for the
most part was conducted in English. The ration cards are in
English, much to the annoyance of the general public, who
cannot read English. Our leaders feel that their important
pronouncements must be made in English without the slight-
est regard for the poor public.
This is a just complaint, demanding peremptory redress. The
unfortunate inertia has to be thrown out before a visible change
for the better takes place in this important matter.
New Delhi, December 10, 1947
Harijan, 21-12-1947
173. DISCUSSION WITH H. S. SUHR AWARD T
^December 10, 1947Y
You must know that the people here and even in a greater
measure the members of the Union Government do not have that
trust in you that I have. They tell me that you are fooling me,
that in Calcutta you hung on my words because the Muslims
were in peril but here things are different and so are you. If
you wish to remove their distrust and suspicion, you must have
the courage plainly to tell Jinnah and Liaquat Ali that they
must adopt a uniform policy with the Indian Union in regard to
the recovery of the abducted women and other matters pertaining
to the minorities. Similarly, you must ascertain the truth about
what is said to be happening in Karachi and ask Jinnah how it
* This appeared under “Notes”, a Hindi version of which appeared in
Harijan Sevak, 21-12-1947.
^ From Dilhiman Gandhiji — II
203
204
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
comports with his declaration that the minorities in Pakistan
would be fully protected. And if you cut no ice with them,
you must, as a Muslim and an Indian national, issue a statement
disapproving of Pakistan’s policy in unequivocal terms. Thereby
you will serve both India and Pakistan.*
Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol. II, pp. 525-6
174. TALK WITH TEACHERS AND STUDENTS
Birla House, New Delhi,
December 10, 1947
Students, parents and teachers should all become proficient
in crafts. Only by imparting education through crafts can India
stand before the world. Just as there are laboratories in schools,
our kitchens should be our laboratories. For instance germinated
pulses are rich in vitamins, but when we cook them with spices
all the vitamins are destroyed. How much heat and how much
time will food require to cook so that it is easily digested and
also preserves vitamins ? How much food in calories will a child,
a student, a grown-up man, a moneyed man, a worker or a com-
mon man require? How much ghee, oil, milk or grain should
one consume? If all this is taught to the students while cook-
ing, they would become experts in the science of nutrition.
There is similarly a science in the charkha as also in nursing
the sick. Today boys of twenty become graduates and can speak a
foreign language as fluently as their mother tongue. Although
history, geography, arithmetic, geometry, Sanskrit, etc., are taught
through a foreign language they pass the examinations. This
shows that our boys are not dull or incompetent. I tell you that
no English or other foreign students can speak Hindustani or
Gujarati however hard they may try, as fluently as our students can
speak English. I know of many Englishmen who have been here for
years and who have been trying to learn Hindi and yet even now
they cannot pronounce the word 3 n[you], they pronounce it 5*1.
Look at Mirabehn. No one could be more hard-working. She
resents it if she is introduced as an English woman. She lives and
* A group of local Muslims called on Gandhiji soon after. He gave
them similar advice that they should set forth their views in a public state-
ment if they felt that the minorities in Pakistan were not getting a fair deal
and boldly and unequivocally say that this was a disgrace to Pakistan and
a stigma on Islam.
TALK WITH TEACHERS AND STUDENTS
205
serves as a daughter of India. She still cannot properly pro-
nounce the sound ‘ti’ of Hindustani. But we must not be content
with getting degrees in English. We must learn hygiene, chemistry,
economics, etc. And that not through books but through crafts.
Students should diligently acquire knowledge. When there is know-
ledge to be found in cooking, in disease, in recreations, what
need is there to pore over books? If you take chillies in excess
you will get dysentery. So from this we can gain knowledge about
the cause of dysentery. Thus we can make experiments on our-
selves and gain knowledge from our experiences. This knowledge
is permanent. Why need one cram the dates of Lord Curzon’s
birth and death? And if, even after cramming them, one for-
gets them at the examination one’s parents will have wasted the
fee money. Of course if one wants to study these dates because
of interest in them, that is a different matter. But today we do
not need such education. If therefore the flame of freedom is to
be lighted in India the very first need is a revolution in edu-
cation. After all, students are the real wealth of the country.
Teachers, in so far as they mould the students, are the silent ser-
vants of the country. Their profession not only earns them their
bread but is also one of service. But today we neglect those we call
teachers. Parents must take an active interest in teachers. Parents
commit a grave sin when they address teachers disrespectfully.
The teachers can impart no enlightenment to students till we
learn to show towards them the same respect that we show to
the priest in the temple or to our spiritual preceptor. And if the
students are not enlightened we may be certain the country
will remain enveloped in darkness. Today all this seems a fond
hope. We fought the English for so long. People used to make fun
of us and ask if we thought we would get freedom by going
to jail and by being flogged. But I had the firm conviction that
freedom would come through that path alone and no other.
Similarly while today the cloud of hatred and enmity darkens
the relations between brother and brother, we cannot find a way
to happiness because of our ignorance. Ignorance has render-
ed us blind. It is our misfortune that we are unable to see what
is clear as day.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 71-4
175. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
December 10, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
Yesterday I told you that I attended the meeting of the A. L-
S. A. and addressed a few words to the women. Today again I had
to go to a meeting of the Talimi Sangh. But maybe I shall have
to leave that out for today. I must speak today of the A. I. S. A.
You know what the Spinners’ Association is. It carries on khadi
activity which is centred round the charkha. First, the cotton has
to be ginned, carded, made into slivers, and then spun and woven.
If the hundreds of millions of people in India take to this work
— it is easy, we can even teach it to children — all the expendi-
ture on cloth can be saved. If cloth is thus manufactured in vil-
lages it becomes almost free. And if cotton is grown in the villages
the saving would be twice as much, for we would have to spend
nothing on cloth and we could also benefit from the craft and
prosper. I therefore feel that if we do not behave foolishly there
should be no dearth of cloth in our country. There should be
no dearth even if there is not a single textile mill left in India.
Today we have to look up to the mills. We have forgotten the
charkha and khadi. People do certainly sport khadi caps because
they have got used to it, having worn it during the struggle for
freedom. But one feels sad that khadi is not a living thing in
our lives. The Spinners’ Association has been working for
many years. It has disbursed crores of rupees and yet we are
where we were. This is a matter to be pondered over. The charkha
teaches us ahimsa. If everybody took up the charkha the villages
would become prosperous and would not present the depressing
spectacle they do today. During the discussion at the meeting,
it was shown how, through the charkha and khadi, the short-
age in cloth could be made good and crores of rupees could be
given to the villagers, not in cash but in the saving that would
be effected from not having to buy mill-cloth. It may be said
that in manufacturing khadi we would have to pay for the cot-
ton. But the price of cotton would be very little. If we use all
the cotton that is today produced, it should be enough. But
the Government gives all the facilities to the mills. It is more
206
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
207
concerned for the capitalists than for the farmers. It is a painful
fact. I am not against capitalists, I am myself staying in the
house of a capitalist. But I know the attitude that the capitalists
have adopted. The Government may say that they do everything
for the poor. But even the British used to say it. The truth
is that the interests of the poor are not served. The Government
should humbly accept this. It is easy to say that the poor should
be helped. Let the ministers decide to go and live in the vil-
lages. If they are true socialists — and if I have my way I would
make them behave so — if they are true servants of the poor,
not only of the workers but of the peasants who are more nume-
rous, if they want to uplift the people, I would tell them that
they should only wear khadi. There is nothing to prevent
them from producing their own khadi at home. I will tell the
people what they are doing. Ever since I came here I have been
saying this but have been able to achieve nothing. All that I
have managed to get is a few crores of rupees for the villages.
But what I want is that the music of the charkha should be
heard in every home and no cloth except khadi should be seen
anywhere. If this happened the poverty prevailing in the villages
would disappear. That it has not so far happened is our misfortune.
One cannot say that in other respects things are going on
well here. There are speeches being made — I shall not name the
speakers because full particulars are still lacking — that the few
Muslims still remaining here will not be allowed to stay on,
that the mosques still standing will be taken over to house Hindus.
What else will happen only God knows. I think that if the
Hindus occupied the mosques it would be the end of Hinduism.
So much for Delhi.
Something about Ajmer has come to our notice. And it is
the same story there. I have visited the town many times. It
has Muslims and Hindus in large numbers. There is an impor-
tant Muslim shrine’ there. It is also visited by Hindus and
thus the two have been living in amity. They are one not in
religion but in their ways of life. Not that there were no
quarrels between the two communities but today the rioting has
been much more serious. It seems from what little has appeared in
the newspapers that a large number of Muslims have been killed.
There was first a scare among the Muslims and those who could
ran away leaving a few behind. Then followed the riots. I under-
stand that is what is happening in the villages all around. I
Of Hazarat Moinuddin Chishti
208
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
shall talk to you again after I have full particulars. All I say is
that it is a shameful alfair. Let us pray to God to give us the
wisdom not to destroy Hinduism by our conduct. It cannot do
any good to destroy Hinduism in the process of killing Muslims.
If we wish to live we must let live. Man was not made by God to
live through killing others. It must not be allowed to happen
that the Hindus and Sikhs in Pakistan and Muslims in India
are killed and the rest become slaves. We are inviting our
own destruction. There is a saying in Sanskrit: “A man loses
his reason when he is to be destroyed.”^ Our minds have become
perverse. The cries of “kill, slaughter, drive out the Muslims”,
are a sign of our having lost our reason. There are many other
things I want to say but I have not the time, having resolved
not to speak for more than 15 minutes.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 189-92
176. WHO SHOULD BE PROVINCIAL GOVERNORS?^
The following is a free translation of Principal Shriman
Narayan Agrawal’s letter in Hindustani from Wardha:
In the Gonstitution that is being framed by the Gon-
stituent Assembly, there is to be provision for the election of
provincial Governors by the majority of voters under the
adult franchise system. From this one is entitled to infer that,
as a rule, the nominees of the Gongress Parliamentary Board
will be elected. The Chief Minister of the province will also
be of the Gongress party. Common sense dictates that the pro-
vincial Governor must be above party politics of the province
concerned, or above being unduly influenced by the Chief Min-
ister or above friction between himself and his Chief Minister.
In my opinion there is no necessity for a Governor. The
Chief Minister should be able to take his place and people’s
money to the tune of Rs. 5,500 per month for the sinecure
of the Governor will be saved. Nevertheless, no provincial
Governor should belong to his own province.
Moreover, in this way the expense and worry of an
election by the majority of the adult population will be saved.
Will it not be proper and better for the President of the
Union to select Governors satisfying the reasonable test above
2 A Hindi version of this appeared in Harijan Sevak, 21-12-1947.
WHO SHOULD BE PROVINCIAL GOVERNORS?
209
suggested? Such Governors will surely raise the tone of the
public life of the provinces governed by them. It is worthy
of note that the present Governors have been appointed
by the Central Cabinet of the Union on the above basis and,
therefore, their influence on their provinces has been whole-
some. I fear that if the Governors are elected as threatened
under the forthcoming Constitution, their influence is likely
to be unwholesome.
Further, the Constitution as foreshadowed makes no
mention of the village panchayat being the foundation of the
progressive decentralization in the place of the old hunger
for centralization. There are other such defects which one
can profitably point out, but I have no right or desire to
enter into an elaborate criticism of our seasoned leaders. I
have but ventured to draw your attention to the defects
which have appeared to me and demand your guidance.
There is much to be said in favour of the argument advanced
by Principal Agrawal about the appointment of provincial Gover-
nors. I must confess that I have not been able to follow the
proceedings of the Constituent Assembly. I do not know the
context in which the proposal under discussion has been made.
But, examined in isolation, the criticism appears irresistible,
with the exception that much as I would like to spare every pice
of the public treasury, it would be bad economy to do away with
provincial Governors and regard Chief Ministers as a perfect
equivalent. Whilst I would resent much power of interference to
be given to Governors, I do not think that they should be mere
figure-heads. They should have enough power enabling them to
influence ministerial policy for the better. In their detached posi-
tion they would be able to see things in their proper perspective
and thus prevent mistakes by their Cabinets. Theirs must be an
all-pervasive moral influence in their provinces.
Principal Agrawal says that there is no mention or direction
about village panchayats and decentralization in the foreshadowed
Constitution. It is certainly an omission calling for immediate
attention if our independence is to reflect the people’s voice.
The greater the power of the panchayats, the better for the people.
Moreover, panchayats to be effective and efficient, the level of
people’s education has to be considerably raised. I do not conceive
the increase in the power of the people in military, but in moral
terms. Naturally, I swear by Nayee Talim in this connection.
New Delhi, December 11, 1947
Harijan, 21-12-1947
90-14
177. LETTER TO MANIBHAI B. DESAI
December 11, 1947
CHI. MANILAL,
I got your letter only today. I also got the one sent with
Dinshaw. I am replying just now to the former.
It was indeed welcome news to me that Gangabehn' had gone
there. If she is able to stay on there permanently, nothing could
be better. But that will of course depend on Purushottam’s^
health.
I will be glad if a primary teachers’ camp is held there. The
condition that the camp should involve no financial liability is
only reasonable.
I hope Balkoba’s fund will be completed. That Dhiru is
persisting in his effort is not surprising, for it is in his nature.
If the gentleman sent there by Haribhau Phatak can stay
there and can be a help to you, that would indeed be fine.
But his being able to work will depend on his not getting
fainting fits.
In view of the decision not to purchase the Ramanama land,
the plan to purchase some other plot seems all right. Where
will you find the money for it?
If the work at Uruli progresses steadily, no matter how slowly,
I should be very much pleased.
Your vow of lifelong dedication cannot but produce an echo
in the hearts of other people. Whatever effect is produced there
will be the fruit of ahimsa. Without ahimsa village uplift seems
impossible to me.
Blessings from
Bapu
From the Gujarati original: C. W. 2724. Courtesy: Manibhai B. Desai
* Wife of Purushottam Bhatt
^ Purushottam Bhatt
210
178. LETTER TO VIJATALAKSHMI PANDIT
New Delhi,
December 11, 1947
CHI. BEHN VIJAYALAKSHMI,
This letter will be handed over to you by Shri Datar from
Uruli Kanchan. His son Chi. Madhavrao is blind. Datar has
read somewhere that they are providing the blind with new eyes
in Russia. If this is true Datar would like to take Chi. Madhav-
rao to Russia. If this is feasible do whatever can be done. Datar
is a man of means and he will be able to bear the necessary
expenses.
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy; Pyarelal
179. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
December 11, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
A friend desires that the verses from the Koran we recite
here should be explained. These verses are ancient. The Koran
was composed by Mohammed Saheb — it was spoken by him,
thirteen centuries ago. The extracts from it that we recite are
considered sublime like our mantras. The very reading of it
bestows merit on the reader. It is good to know the meaning,
of course, but even without knowing it a correct recitation itself
is of great value. I can now explain the substance of it. I do
not know Arabic or Persian. I do possess a translation, but it
is not here now. Tomorrow I can provide a literal translation.
In substance, it is a prayer to God. God is one and the same,
by whatever name we may call Him. Allah is one of His names.
Then His attributes are described. He is called Rahim and Rehman
but He is one God. It is then said that God alone can save us
from Satan. Satan drags us down and makes us do evil deeds.
Only God can save us from that fate. Man admits that he on his
own does not do noble deeds but God prompts him to do so.
Man is like a drop of water in a sea. If God does not save man
211
212
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Satan will devour him. God is great. God is All there is. His
mercy alone can save us. I should say that however much we
may recite this prayer, ponder over it and follow its import it
is not enough. You may ask why in that case Muslims indulge
in such barbarous behaviour. But then do Christians who have
made so much progress, who are learned, follow the teachings of
the Bible? Where are the Christians that live according to the
Bible? Where are the Hindus who conduct themselves accord-
ing to the GayatriJ We recite from Ishopaniskad, “All things are
pervaded by the Lord”, meaning that God is in everything. He
gives us everything. Whatever a man possesses has been given to
him by God. We should renounce all and enjoy what we must.
Nothing is ours. House, property and everything is surrendered
to God. It is a great thing. Then it is said that we should not be
envious of others’ riches. We should not covet another’s wealth.
Let the Hindus but conduct themselves according to this one single
mantra. Let the whole world thus conduct itself. It is not for the
Hindus alone. It does not even mention Hindus. Let the Sikhs
conduct themselves according to the mantra. It is not as if they
did not believe in it. If everyone conducted himself accordingly
the tragedy we have been witnessing all around us could not have
come to pass. Everyone is not wicked, nor is everyone an angel.
We cannot say that all Sikhs are wicked while all Hindus are
angels or that all Muslims are angels.
Another verse is from the Farsi scripture. The first mantra
in the prayer proclaims obeisance to the Guru.' It is followed by
other verses in Sanskrit. Then there are bhajans. And yet we
do not keep our hearts clean. It is a painful thing.
I had said I would explain to you what was being done in
the Harijan Colony. But I have to leave it for the present, for there
are other things to speak of and I have only fifteen minutes.
Some Muslim friends from the U. P. came to see me today for a
second time. They told me that they had been to the Punjab
in Pakistan. They found other Indian Muslims there. They had
planned to work out with the Muslims there some kind of a com-
promise which would make things easier here in India. They had
obtained my permission for the visit. They returned today. They
said they wanted one thing from me. I should ask the Hindus
and the Sikhs to return to Lahore. These Muslim friends will
accompany them. Should it become necessary they will be the first
to lay down their lives. But that will not be necessary. They have
' Vide Vol. XLIV, p. 388, verse 7.
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
213
talked to the authorities there. They are willing to rehabilitate the
non-Muslims there. I asked them to give it to me in writing. It
is not something that can be done right away. It is a big thing.
If this can be done a great part of my work will have been ac-
complished. They said, I should at least test their word. They
have given to me their views in writing. Their report says:
The Peace Mission from the U. P. visited West Punjab twice.
The first visit lasted a month and the second a week. The
conditions there are much improved. The Government as
well as the public are trying to re-establish order. It is the
desire of the West Punjab Government that the non-Muslims
residing there at present should continue to live there and
those who have migrated from there should go back to their
homes. The Government has issued the directive that the
non-Muslims returning to their homes in West Punjab should
be given back their rights over their houses and properties
and given full protection and provided with all the facilities
they may need. If, notwithstanding all the pleading, some
non-Muslims do not wish to go back, they will have full
rights to exchange or sell their properties in any way they
like. The Government is being very severe with those
provoking riots and are taking all measures to ensure pro-
tection to those who may return. The Peace Mission has
been able to persuade the people and the Government of
Pakistan to accept the responsibility to protect the honour
and dignity of non-Muslims. We, the members of the U. P.
Peace Mission request the non-Muslim brethren from Pakistan
to go back to West Punjab and settle there. We are willing
to accompany them on their journey back and will protect
them at the cost of our own lives. We will return only after
these non-Muslims are fully assured of their safety.
This is signed by four persons. It is a very promising deve-
lopment. The newspapers have put out something quite differ-
ent but we should not worry about that. There are many refugees
concentrated in Model Town. In Lahore Hindus and Sikhs have
large properties. There is also a Gurdwara there. I asked the
Mission from U. P. if the Sikhs could go back there. They gave
the assurance that Sikhs could go there. They said it was not
that people in general had become friends; there was still some
poison in the air; it could not be removed all at once. But the
Government had made sure that there would be no more killings.
It would be a great thing. I had not thought things could
improve so quickly. I do not know how far this is the case, but
214 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
let US in our hearts grant the possibility that there are people
among Muslims who can do this. It would be inhuman to think that
all Muslims are wicked. There are very good men among them.
A Hindu friend had accompanied the Muslim friends. He brought
me a letter. I have not the time to read it out but its substance
is the same. He runs a large hotel visited daily by about a thou-
sand persons. A majority of them are perhaps Muslims but cer-
tainly Hindus also go to the hotel. They find no difficulties in
their way. He says there is nothing to prevent the Hindu refugees
from going back there. I will not say that they must go back
right away. Nor would I say that they should not go. But it
would be good if they did go back.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 192-6
180. ADVICE TO DECCAN STATES^ UNION RULERS^
New Delhi,
December 11, 1947
Gandhiji advised the Rulers to have perfect unity with their people.
They are trustees of the people and their servants, he added.
The Bombay Chronicle, 12-12-1947
181. LETTER TO LORD MOUNTBATTEN
New Delhi,
December 11, 1947
DEAR FRIEND,
Your promised letter was delivered here at 5.15 p. m. It came
into my hand after 7 p. m. You have given me more than I had
expected or wanted.
Tours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi
H. E. THE G. G. OF Indian Union
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
* The Rulers of Sangli, Aundh, Phaltan, Miraj (Senior), Ramdurg and
representatives of Bhavnagar and other States met Gandhiji in the evening.
182. DISCUSSION AT CONSTRUCTIVE WORKS
COMMITTEE MEETING^
New Delhi,
December lljl2, 1947
j. B. KRiPALANi: This meeting has been convened by the Constructive
Works Committee of the Congress. The question has been raised what the
constructive workers should do.
GANDHiji: The first thing we have to do is to improve our
national character. No revolution is possible till we build our
character. The pity is that though swaraj is so recent an achieve-
ment, there is already a slackness in constructive efforts. I know
there are a few difficulties. Government help also may not be
forthcoming at places. But the Congress has always been in our
hands. And if you will only make an effort the Government too
will remain in our hands.
q^uestion: Should constructive workers take part in politics?
GANDHIJI : I have answered this question many times before.
I repeat my answer: leave politics to Rajendra Babu, Jawaharlal
and Vallabhbhai. You confine yourselves to constructive work.
It is difficult to answer the question why constructive work
is making so little headway, though the Congress has sworn adher-
ence to it for years and men like Jawaharlal, Rajendra Babu
and Vallabhbhai are at the helm of affairs. All the Sanghs,
except the Harijan Sevak Sangh, were brought into being by
the Congress. Why is it then that the workers of these Sanghs
lack the power to make the Government go the whole hog with
them? No douht, the fault lies with us, the constructive work-
ers. We had faith in constructive work, but our faith was not
deep or enlightened enough to illumine our intellect and so our
growth has been lop-sided. The criticism levelled against the
* The versions available in Mahatma and Mahatma Gandhi — The Last
Phase have been collated with the Hindi version in Dilhiman Gandhiji.
Congress workers, including Shankarrao Deo and R. R. Diwakar, had
posed the question whether it would not be better in view of the halting
policy pursued by the Government, to form themselves into a separate body
and go into the Government for the furtherance of the constructive prog-
ramme.
215
216 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
constructive workers is that they are generally lacking in imagina-
tion and intellect. Our intelligentsia are not lacking in sympathy.
Reason, as a rule, follows in the footsteps of feeling. But we
have not sufficiently penetrated the hearts of the intelligentsia to
convince their reason.
This is my analysis of the situation. There should be rapport
between the constructive workers and the institution. We must
first purify ourselves. The Congress has always had the con-
structive programme. Now it has the power. Why is it then
that our work is not progressing? It may be that we have no
heart. Because if we were endowed with a heart we would have
been sensitive to the pain of others. Moreover, a person may
be in sympathy with one in distress and still may not be of any
help to him. But our minds have not opened. Many eminent
people who are in politics have had this experience. I have had
a hand in the formation of all these various institutions, and I
can say that things are in such a state because our hearts are not
pure. A current was generated. The people caught on to the
idea that that was the way to overcome the British. Villagers too
flocked to us in ever larger numbers. It gladdened us that there
was such awakening in the country. But in the forefront were
intellectuals. And the result was that the freedom that came was
not true freedom. The fight being over, our interest in the con-
structive programme waned. Constructive work is not a strategy
or a technique of fighting. Constructive work connotes a way
of fife. It can be carried on only by men who have adopted
it by the heart as well as by the intellect.
Kumarappa^ pointed out that our way of life would be
determined by what we do. Then the Sangh^ came to be
formed, in which the Congress helped. The Congress lent the
constructive workers’ Sanghs its name and also gave them the
charter to function. But the Congressmen failed to come up to
the scratch and to shoulder the burden. Such is our bankruptcy.
If the Sanghs could come together and could work under the
direction of a jointly chosen representative, it would mark a
big step forward. To set our own house in order is the first
indispensable requisite, if we want to influence political power. If
all the Sanghs gave a good account of themselves, worked unitedly
and in co-operation, without a jar or jolt, it would be a grand
thing. But they must not do it for the sake of popularity, nor
^ J. C. Kumarappa
^ All India Village Industries Association
DISCUSSION AT CONSTRUCTIVE WORKS COMMITTEE MEETING 217
hanker after political power, even in their dreams. Soon we shall
have adult suffrage. That is a good thing. But to regard adult
suffrage as a means of capturing political power, would be to put
it to corrupt use.
The objective of the constructive works organizations is to
generate political power. But if we say that political power
having come, it must be ours as a price for our labours, it would
degrade us and spell our ruin. Take the case of the Charkha
Sangh. It has the largest membership of all the Sanghs. But we
have never endeavoured to get its members enrolled on the voters’
list. It was suggested at one time that we should get their names
enrolled on the Congress register. I opposed it. “Do we want
to capture the Congress?”, I asked. That would be tantamount to
killing it. The Congress can be ours only by right of service.
Today we have our own Government. Under adult suffrage, if
we are worth our salt, we should indeed have that hold upon
the people that whomsoever we might choose, should be returned.
In Sevagram I deprecated the proposal of our people enrolling
themselves as voters. What actually happened was that the people
from the village came and sought our advice as to whom they
should give their vote, because they knew that we were their
true servants and had no axe to grind.
Today politics has become corrupt. Anybody who goes into
politics gets contaminated. Let us keep out of it altogether. Our
influence will grow thereby. The greater our inner purity, the
greater shall be our hold on the people, without any effort on
our part.
My eyes have now been opened. I see that what we prac-
tised during the fight with the British under the name of non-
violence, was not really non-violence. God had purposely sealed
my eyes, as He wanted to accomplish His great purpose through
me. That purpose being accomplished. He has restored to me my
sight. Now I can see with open eyes what is to be done. I have
been learning the art for so many years. Maybe I have got the
technique. If I make a mistake I rectify it. I therefore say that
there is no need for us to consult the Government. They went
as far as they could.
Has what I am doing today penetrated your hearts? Then
you should have the strength to remove corruption, wheresoever it
may be. You have met here as the constructive wing of the
Gongress. For that you need not get into any committee. Your
work is among the masses. The Gonstituent Assembly is today
forging the Constitution. Do not bother about making changes
218
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
in it. Shriman Narayan Agrawal has written to me that in the
Constitution that is being framed now, there is no mention of
gram panchayat, whereas the Congressmen have always said that
the gram panchayat must be the foundation of our future polity.
We have to resuscitate the village, make it prosperous and give
it more education and more power. What good will the Con-
stitution be if the village does not find its due place in it ? What
Shriman Narayan Agrawal says, appeals to me. But we must
recognize the fact that the social order of our dreams cannot come
through the Congress of today. Nobody knows what shape the
Constitution will ultimately take. I say, leave it to those who
are labouring at it. Let the constructive workers consolidate their
strength, and the way to do it is through the unification of the
various constructive works organizations. And if we cannot do
that, let each Sangh continue on its way and develop its strength
as best as it can, making intelligence more and more the hall-
mark of all its activity. The Charkha Sangh is the biggest
Sangh. It has funds. It is pursuing the policy of decentralization.
I am not unaware of its perils and its difficulties. We have to
create a superior, more advanced type of khadi worker. Not
till then, shall Panchayat Raj become a reality. The workers of
the Charkha Sangh are not there merely to earn a living for them-
selves or merely to distribute some wages to the spinners and
weavers, etc., by way of poor relief. The only goal worthy of
their ambition is to create a non-violent order of society. But,
in this they have not made much headway. If our khadi workers
are there for wages only, then we had better bid good-bye to the
dream of realizing a non-violent social order. The success will
depend on our uttermost purity. Impatience would be fatal.
We are today rather poor. But this poverty does not discourage
me. Only now we are coming to realize that all our workers are
from cities. They do not even know what non-violence is. When
a woman gives me yarn she does it for money. But why does she
covet money ? The root cause is poverty. It is that root we have
to destroy. Where is khadi today? The people who wear khadi
do so to gain political ends. There is no credit in it. Our work
may be slow but we can generate great strength through it. Let
us forget about the Congress Constitution, because even after the
Constitution has been given shape our work must go on. We
have to pursue our ends in a different way. You must not suc-
cumb to the desire to become ministers.
The really poor villager is haunted by the spectre of desti-
tution. He cannot see beyond the satisfaction of his primary
DISCUSSION AT CONSTRUCTIVE WORKS COMMITTEE MEETING 219
needs. The villager does not understand non-violence, nor do I talk
to him of it, but I try only to see that he becomes a good spin-
ner and gets a fair minimum subsistence wage. I do not mind
if the volume of our work is small, so long as it is solid. Consti-
tution-making will be over in a few months. What next? The
responsibility of working it and making a success of it will rest
on you. Suppose you get a constitution after your heart, but it
does not work. After five years, someone will say: ‘You had
your innings, now give us a chance.’ You will have to give in
and they may try to seize power, set up a dictatorship and stran-
gulate the Congress. Per contra, suppose you do not assume power
but gain hold on the public, you will be able to return at the
polls whomsoever you may wish. Forget membership so long
as the voters are in your hand. Think of the root and take care of
it as much as you can, and make self-purification the sole crite-
rion. Even a handful imbued with this spirit will be able to trans-
form the atmosphere. The people will soon perceive the change
and they will not be slow to respond to it. Yours is an uphill
and difficult task but it is full of rich promise.
Ciuestion: The people are with us, but the Government obstruct our
effort. What are we to do?
GANDHiji: If the people are with you, the Government are
bound to respond. If they do not, they will be set aside and
another installed in their place. Even in the days of Lord Wavell,
I used to tell the people that they did not know their own
strength, or they could get Lord Wavell removed at will. When
the British saw that he would rule over us only by martial law,
they removed him. It is a tribute to the British, for they could
very well have imposed martial law.
question: Should there not be an over-all organization, which would
include and co-ordinate all the Sanghs’ activities?
GANDHiji: A separate organization is not necessary for that
purpose. What is needed is co-ordination of the work of the
Sanghs. The various Sanghs have worked separately and inde-
pendently of one another till now. We tried to set up a co-ordi-
nating committee for the purpose of samagra gram seva, but it
did not work. If we all unite, we shall function like the depart-
ments of the Central Government. For instance, why should
there be separate stores and sales depots for the Spinners’ Asso-
ciation and the Village Industries Association? Why could not
the machinery of the Spinners’ Association be available for fur-
thering the activities of both? The members of the Charkha
220 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Sangh will do the work of the Gram Udyog too. There is the
question of the sale of tad gur. Why should not the Charkha Sangh
take it over? Our workers’ children have to be educated. Shall
we build a separate school for them? Is that not the function of
the Talimi Sangh? If we will not co-operate even in such matters,
it will show that we have not understood how ahimsa works.
The central body will lay down the general lines of policy which
all the Sanghs will follow. If we are determined and pledge
ourselves to ‘do or die’, we are bound to succeed.
ARYANAYAKUM : Let the Presidents and Secretaries of the various Sanghs
meet first in a preliminary informal conference and, after discussion, place
before Gandhiji the implication and difficulties of unification.
SHANKARRAO DEO : This is not the right way to go about it. The work-
ers should meet first. A gathering of the Presidents and the Secretaries will
not have the requisite atmosphere. It is a narrow and subjective approach.
gandhiji: It is neither narrow, nor subjective. The workers’
conference can follow, not precede. The Charkha Sangh has
its Board; Jajuji^ must consult it first. The average worker will
not even understand.
SHANKARRAO DEO : We have a number of intelligent workers, let them
be called.
gandhiji: We seem to be talking at cross purposes. The dis-
cussion that I have proposed, involves technical matters. It needs
specialists. The general workers will feel themselves at sea in such
a discussion. Let the props and pillars unite. All will then feel
the glow of strength. Forget me. Dr. Zakir Husain is a great
organizer. He has suggested that just now nothing should be
decided under the spell of my presence. And, therefore, he has
recommended that the matter be taken up later at Sevagram. I
like it. The atmosphere at Sevagram would be calmer and free
from the communal virus. When I came here, I did know that I
would have to speak on these things. I was told that in the
Constitution Committee of the Congress there were some con-
structive workers; how could they make their influence felt in the
Congress? I had come to tell you that you must not expect to
get the Constitution you desire through the Congress. Nor need
that worry you. It should be enough if the Constitution you get
does not actually stand in the way of constructive effort. The
second thing I had come to tell you was that the various Sanghs
should become the research laboratories in their respective fields.
Our constructive works institutions are not democracies, but they
1 Shrikrishnadas Jaju
DISCUSSION AT CONSTRUCTIVE WORKS COMMITTEE MEETING 221
are the instruments for the building up of democracy. The Con-
gress has lent us its name and its prestige and, in return, it derives
prestige from us for the service which, as its true servants, we
render. The connection of the constructive works organizations
with the Congress is spiritual. It can be severed at any moment.
As specialists we should be able to tender to the Congress our
advice on what needs to be done.
question: Why cannot we get it done through the Congress?
GANDHiji: Because the Congressmen are not sufficiently
interested in constructive work. If they were, it should not have
been necessary for us to meet here.
question: That being the Congressmen’s psychology, what is the use
of giving place to the constructive works organizations in the Congress Consti-
tution ?
GANDHiji: Because the Constitution moulds the psychology
of the people. People may not do the things they believe, but
then it should be our duty to see that through our neglect our
case does not go by default.
question: Labour is represented in the Assembly through their repre-
sentatives. There are special seats reserved for universities. Why should not
constructive workers’ organizations have their functional representatives in
the A. I. C. C., who would act in the general way, too?
GANDHiji: No, surely not the mixture. Functional is all
right. But in general there is so much corruption today, that
it frightens me. Everybody wants to carry a lot of votes in his
pockets, because the votes give power. Under adult suffrage,
anybody who is eligible has a vote. Let all such members of the
various Sanghs form themselves into one body and let the Cong-
ress Working Committee and the A. I. C. C. take from among
them their nominees, to advise and to guide them in matters and
policies pertaining to constructive work. There are many labour
organizations in the country. There is the Ahmedabad Labour
Union, the Charkha Sangh, the Goseva Sangh, the Chamber of
Commerce and so on. The Congress claims to represent them all.
The Congress, of course, claims to represent the Princes too. But
I would not ask you to include the Chamber of Princes in your
scheme. Take all the living organizations with you. Purify your-
selves of all dross. Banish the very idea of capture of power and
keep it on the right path. Therein lies salvation. There is no
other way.
Mahatma, Vol. VIII, pp. 279-85, Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol. II,
pp. 661-6, and Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 80-5
183. DISCUSSION AT HINDUSTANI TALIMI SANGH
MEETING^
December 11112, 1947'^
There were some workers, who were worried at the paradox free India
Government presented. The Congress had sworn adherence to the construc-
tive programme for years, while it was in the wilderness. But having come
into power, it showed signs of giving it the go-by. Was not the remedy
for those who had faith in the constructive work to enter the Government
and use it for the purpose of building up a non-violent social order ? Gandhiji
was opposed to it, but he held that the purpose could be achieved if
the various organizations which he had founded for carrying on constructive
work came up to the standard which he had set for them. And as a prepa-
ratory step to the discharge of that role, he recommended the unification
and co-ordination of those organizations into one body. He placed the onus
of the transformation on the shoulders of the Hindustani Talimi Sangh. It
should be easy for them to do that if Nayee Talim was what he had envi-
saged it to be. What he had proposed was only a part of adult education.
The Nayee Talim is today on its trial. It has either to trans-
form the prevailing atmosphere, or perish in the attempt.
There is one section in the country today in our midst which
holds that the Hindus and Muslims cannot coexist, that either the
Muslims should get out of Hindustan or they should live here as
the vassals of the Hindus. And similarly, in Pakistan, only the
Muslims should remain. It is a poisonous doctrine and in it lies
the root of Pakistan. Pakistan has come into being; their dream
has vanished but the virus has remained. I have pledged myself
to resist this doctrine and to do or die in the attempt. But to
correct the wrong psychology of the people is the function of
Nayee Talim.
Dr. Zakir Husain said that while in principle what Gandhiji had stated
was unexceptionable, still there was need to hasten slowly. Things had changed
considerably after independence. Everybody felt the urge and impatience
to make new and daring experiments and the need for an absolutely free
hand. If the merger resulted in maladjustment, it might retard, instead of
helping progress.
* The two-day session was presided over by Zakir Husain.
^ From The Hindustan Times, 13-12-1947
222
DISCUSSION AT HINDUSTANI TALIMI SANGH MEETING
223
A suggestion was then made that they might function as the separate
branches of a tree that have sprung from a common trunk and a reference
was made in that connection to the Gandhi Seva Sangh which was described
as functioning as the parent trunk, at one time. But Gandhiji smelt danger
in that. He did not want the constructive workers’ organizations to be
drawn into power politics and become a rival to the Congress or the Gov-
ernment in the contest for political power.
Gandhi Seva Sangh is no longer there. Nor did it attempt
to rally all constructive workers under one organization. It did
once make a short-lived attempt to enter into and purify the poli-
tics of the country but had to admit defeat.
DR. ZAKIR HUSAIN: Various organizations were created separately as
ad hoc bodies to perform certain specific functions. If they are united into
one body, it will not be possible to keep power politics out of it.
If the united constructive workers’ sangh tried to go into
power politics, it would spell its ruin. Or else why should I
myself not have gone into politics and tried to run the Govern-
ment my way? Those who are holding the reins of power today,
would easily have stepped aside and made room for me, but
whilst they are in charge, they can carry on only according to
their own lights. But I do not want to take power into my hands.
By abjuring power and by devoting ourselves to pure and selfless
service of the voters, we can guide and influence them. It would
give us far more real power than we shall have by going into
the Government. But a stage may come, when the people them-
selves may feel and say that they want us and no one else to
wield the power. The question could then be considered. I shall
most probably be not alive then. But when that time comes, the
Sanghs will produce from amongst them someone who will take
over the reins of administration. By that time, India shall have
become an ideal state.
DR. ZAKIR HUSAIN: Shall uot we need ideal men in order to inaugurate
and run the ideal State?
We can send men of our choice, without going into the Gov-
ernment ourselves. Today, everybody in the Congress is running
after power. That presages grave danger. Let us not be in the
same cry as the power-seekers. Today, many Congressmen say:
“Pandit Jawaharlal is getting so much salary, and why should
not we?” They forget that a person of Jawaharlal’s talents could
any day have commanded a far greater emolument than he is
getting today. If an ordinary humble worker like myself, who
224
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
neither needs nor has the capacity to earn independently, say,
Rs. 3,000 per month, draws that much amount as salary, it is a
deplorable thing. It is my firm view, that we should keep alto-
gether aloof from power politics and its contagion.'
Mahatma, Vol. VIII, pp. 227-9
184. LETTER TO SHARD A G. CHOKHAWALA
December 12, 1947
CHI. BABUDI,
I have your letter. It is good that you have patiently stayed
on at Nagpur. Continue to stay there. I know you will not
easily lose heart, you must not.
I am very glad that Shakaribehn is there. You did well in
sending over Anand to Sevagram.
Remember that all of us, whether healthy or sick, live through
God’s grace.
Blessings from
Bapu
From the Gujarati original: C. W. 10080. Courtesy: Sharda G. Chokhawala
185. LETTER TO KANJH
New Delhi,
December 12, 1947
brother kanji,
I have received your letter. Only that you may not feel any
anxiety, I am writing this reply.
Other controls may go and there may be harm because of
their going. Let there be harm. But why don’t you give up the
control on your English? Your mother tongue is Gujarati, how
is it that you have forgotten it completely?
How can I leave the Birla Brothers’ house if somebody
else tells me to do so ? When my experience is to the contrary, to
' It was decided to hold an All-India Basic Education Conference from
March 6 to 9 in Bihar. In the mean time a preliminary conference was to
be held at Sevagram to work on the reorganization plan.
^ The Gujarati original is not available.
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
225
say that they are opposed to [dejcontrol is not correct. Reasons for
removal of control for me and them are different and my oppo-
sition to control is of long standing and from the time when I
was not living in their house. Everybody must act on the prompt-
ings of his conscience; you, on yours; I, on mine; others, on
their own; and from that at last truth will come out.
Tours,
M. K. Gandhi
From a copy: B. G. Kher Papers. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum
and Library
186. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
December 12, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
I have a letter from a refugee, saying I had advised the re-
fugees yesterday to start going back. I had said nothing of the
kind. I had said that we would have to see about it and could
say something definite only after I had made sure that what I
had been told represented the truth. The correspondent says that
he wants to go back right away because here there is anarchy all
round, no one cares about anyone else, there is no food to eat
and no clothes to wear, and nothing is being done for the re-
fugees. I am aware that all this is true. Things have reached a
stage where everyone cannot be looked after and everything can-
not be made available. I think that all that is possible is being
done. But even if it is not being done I cannot advise anyone to
go back. If they had not come at all it would have been different.
But since they have come they should return only after things are
fully normal. They should certainly be in readiness, for the sooner
they are in a position to go back the better it will be.
Yesterday I had said I would read out to you the transla-
tion of the verse from the Koran recited here. I had already
explained to you the substance. The translation runs: “I surren-
der myself to Allah to save myself from the wicked Satan. I
begin with the name of God. Whatever I do, I do in His name
because it is He who provides everything, He who is Rahim, the
mighty, and Rehman, the merciful. He is all in all. God is one.
He is unborn. It is He who causes everything to be born. He
has no equal. He is sufficient unto Himself. That is why we say
90-15
226
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
that He is faultless and formless. He is the home of all attri-
butes. His attributes cannot be fathomed.”
Today I have four or five letters. One is from Kathiawar.
I had mentioned a letter from some Muslims from Kathiawar^
but a few Muslims object even to that. I do not know why.
The same people who had made accusations had written to me
that nothing much had happened and if there had been some
slight disturbance the Congressmen had tried their best to estab-
lish peace and that they were living happily in their homes.
Another letter is from Burma and yet another from perhaps
Bombay. It is unsigned and I do not know where to send my
reply. The letter from Bombay says that I do nothing but create
confusion. Whether or not I am creating confusion, I know, and
you who hear me also know. It says I should investigate what
happened in Kathiawar, but how can, I unless I am supplied
with details? It is not within my power to initiate any inves-
tigation. I can only ask the Government to do so.
Another letter is about Ajmer. It is from the Hindus. They
say what I had said was not the truth. ^ There had been rioting
no doubt but it was not started by the Hindus. It was started
by the Muslims. It had always been like that. Then I realized
that this is the other side of the picture. God alone knows what
is true and what is not. I had based my statement on what I
had seen in the newspapers. I had also heard things from various
people. If we persist in such conduct we cannot keep the Govern-
ment going.
A correspondent wants money to be made available for the
renovation of the Somnath temple. The Sardar had agreed that the
temple should be renovated but that the money should not be
taken from the Junagadh treasury or the treasury of the Govern-
ment of India. The correspondent asks why the money should not
thus be made available. I do not wish to go into the question
in any detail. All I can say is that if money is taken from the
Government for this purpose, then the same rule should apply
to other cases also. It will have far-reaching consequences.
According to newspaper reports there has been rowdyism in
Calcutta.^ It seems that we have got used to thinking that we
' Vide pp. 180-1.
^ Vide pp. 207-8.
3 On December 1 1 , there was a demonstration in Calcutta against the
Security Bill, which was pending in the Assembly. One person was killed
and several people were injured in the clash between the demonstrators and
the police.
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
227
can take what we want by resorting to rowdyism. It is a dan-
gerous trend. This is a thing I have never taught. We fought
against the British for thirty years. But it was a non-violent
struggle. There was no place in it for physical assaults or snatching
things by force. The Government in Bengal is our government.
It is run by Congressmen. They should not have been subjected
to such behaviour. Supposing they have made a mistake — I
personally do not know where their mistake lay — rowdyism is
not the way to point it out. Why should we indulge in barbaric
behaviour? There were students among those who indulged in
rowdyism. They are well-educated. It hardly behoves them to
stop the members of the Assembly from entering the Assembly, to
block all the entrances and, not stopping there, to get into the
Assembly itself. But that is what they did. It seems to me that
if we persist in this kind of thing the Government cannot be carried
on for long. The demonstration was intended to make the Assem-
bly desist from enacting the Bill that the demonstrators did not
want. The Bill proposed by the Government is meant for pre-
venting people from indulging in violent activities. Even if the
demonstrators did not like this Bill, they should have expressed
their opposition in a peaceful way. They should not have indulged
in rowdyism. We did not do such things against the British.
If any people did so I used to admonish them. We always be-
haved as gentlemen — I for one even used to undertake fasts.
Our Government today is faced with a number of important
tasks. Those tasks have to be attended to. We cannot complain if
it becomes necessary for the police to resort to lathi charge or use
of tear-gas or to firing. Freedom does not mean that those pro-
voking breach of peace should not be punished. If this happens
one should not complain. There are various lawful ways of voi-
cing protests. You can talk to people, write in the newspapers,
complain to the Parliament or to the Central Government. We
have all the necessary means. We cannot say the Government is
ineffective. It is only three months old. We are like a three-
month-old child. One cannot say we are mature. I would there-
fore humbly plead with those who resort to rowdyism to desist
from it.
It is not that all of those indulging in rowdyism are hooli-
gans or illiterate people. There are among them well-educated
people. If they carry on such activities all the work we want to
do will come to a stop. We have to reach food to the people. We
have to provide them assistance in various other ways. It seems
that it has become a profession with some to have all work stopped.
228
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
This should not be so. It is a mercy that the entire population
of Calcutta was not involved in this. But even if they were,
it would not have been a good thing. This kind of thing should
stop. People should realize that the Government belongs to them
and if the Government does not help them they should protest in
lawful ways.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 196-9
187. NEVER DANGEROUS^
When it is relevant, truth has to be uttered, however unpleas-
ant it may be. Irrelevance is always untruth and should never
be uttered. Misdeeds of the Hindus in the Union have to be
proclaimed by the Hindus from the house-tops, if those of the
Muslims in Pakistan are to be arrested or stopped. Confession
of one’s guilt purifies and uplifts. Its suppression is degrading and
should always be avoided.
New Delhi, December 13, 1947
Harijan, 21-12-1947
188. THE DOCTRINE OF MERGERS
Merger, as used here, has no legal significance. People of
some States in the Deccan Union^ are reported to have expressed
an intense desire for extinction of their Princely houses and
their absorption in their provinces. This has been described as
merging in British India (as it was called during British rule),
as distinguished from Princely India or States.
In a society based on non-violence, there should be no im-
patient destruction compassed by [one] man of another, for,
every evil-doer, unless he mends his ways, is bound to destroy
himself. Evil can never be self-existent. Therefore, the Congress
policy has always been to mend Princely rule, not to end it, and
to induce the Princes to become trustees and servants in reality of
* A Gujarati version of this appeared in Harijanbandhu, 21-12-1947.
2 A Hindi version of this appeared in Harijan Sevak, 21-12-1947.
^ The Deccan States’ Union consisted of the States of Aundh, Bhor,
Mira] Junior, Sangli, Ramdurg, Phaltan, Kurundwar Senior and Kurun-
dwar Junior.
SPINNING still!
229
their people. In pursuance of that policy the Congress Govern-
ment has tried and in the main succeeded in inducing the States
to accede to the Union instead of planning the destruction of
Princely rule and absorption of their States as an integral part
of the Union provinces concerned. Therefore, merger can take
place only under two conditions, viz., if the misrule of a particular
Prince is self-evident and is irremediable, the people will have the
right, as it will be their duty, to seek absorption or merger in
their province. The second condition would be when a Prince and
the people of his State both desire merger. It is suggested that
any one State or its people, whether powerful or insignificant,
should not seek merger unless all the States or the majority desire
it. I do not think so. Misrule cannot wait to be ended before
there is equal misrule in other States. Nor can a Prince who
does not wish for any Princely power be expected or be made
to wait till the other Princes are ready. Each case will have to
be decided on its merits by the Central Government.
New Delhi, December 13, 1947
Harijan, 21-12-1947
189. SPINNING STILL! ^
A correspondent writes:
I and the members of my family have been regular spinners and
weavers of khadi. Now that we have got our freedom, do you still
contend that we should spin and wear khadi?
This is a strange question. Nevertheless, it represents the con-
dition of many people. Such persons evidently took to the spin-
ning-wheel and khadi merely mechanically and as one of the means
of attaining freedom. These friends forget that freedom was not
mere removal of the foreign yoke, though it was the first essen-
tial. Khadi represents and represented a way of life based on
non-violence. Rightly or wrongly, it is my opinion that practical
disappearance of khadi and non-violence shows that the main
implication of khadi was not grasped by us during all these years.
Hence, the tragedy we witness of fratricidal strife and the lawless-
ness on many sides. I have no doubt that spinning and weaving
of khadi are more important than ever if we are to have freedom
that is to be instinctively felt by the masses of the villagers of India.
^ A Gujarati version of this appeared in Harijanbandhu, 21-12-1947.
230 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
That is the Kingdom of God on earth. Through khadi we were
struggling to establish supremacy of man in the place of the
supremacy of power-driven machine over him. Through khadi
we were striving for equality of all men and women in the place
of the gross inequality to be witnessed today. We were striving
to attain subservience of capital under labour in the place of the
insolent triumph of capital over labour. Unless, therefore, all the
effort made during the past thirty years in India was a retro-
grade step, hand-spinning and all it implies must be prosecuted
with much greater vigour and far greater intelligence than
hitherto.
New Delhi, December 13, 1947
Harijan, 21-12-1947
190. LETTER TO NARAHARI D. PARIKH
December 13, 1947
CHI. NARAHARI,
I am addressing this to you because I think that you alone
will be able to read it. As Dada also will be arriving there by
tomorrow, I must write a few lines. I don’t like your having
the stroke. If the cause is not internal, you will soon get well.
But the rule is that after such an attack the patient must take
complete rest for some time. Probably the sea-coast will be more
suitable. Whether you are fit enough to undertake the journey,
the doctor there would know. I might say that if I had been
there I would have known. God is the support of us all. May
He protect you.
I hope Mani^ is not scared. Vanamala^ at any rate must
not be.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: S. N. 9147
* Addressee’s wife
2 Addressee’s daughter
191. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
December 13, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
Yesterday I told you that I was going to Harijan Nivas
for doing some work there. The meetings of the Charkha Sangh
and Talimi Sangh, etc., were being held there in which I had
something to do. I shall speak to you about that.
Today I would speak to you about the charkha which was
the subject of discussion there. What is the significance of the
charkha? Why do I lay so much emphasis on it? It is true
that when I first discovered the charkha, it was a common thing
in the Punjab. But I did not know about it. And when women
came and placed before me heaps and heaps of yarn it made
me very happy. I took a charkha from there. The same thing I
saw later in Gujarat. By Gujarat I do not mean the Gujarat of
Punjab which is a district and a town. I am speaking of the
Gujarat which is near Bombay. Vijapur is a town in the Gaek-
war State. There was a woman worker there who used to travel
a good deal. Her name was Gangabehn. She came to know of
my craze for the charkha. She too went to Vijapur. In Gujarat
women, who lived in purdah and included both Muslims and
Rajputs, used to spin. But no one took notice of their spinning.
Gangabehn told them that she would buy all the yarn they
could spin. They then began to sell all their yarn to her.
Women would line upto go to her, give their yarn and take
slivers from her. I do not wish to go into the question of who
made the slivers. They also got some money from her. Later,
as we progressed, the amount of money the women received also
increased. In this way lakhs of homes could get some money
earned by the women. The charkha thus became very popular
there and through this work of khadi the women were able to
earn enough money for their food. Their demands were small.
They did not ask for a daily wage of two rupees, or three rupees.
They got two pice and they were content. When they got three
or four they were more than satisfied. Still later the progress
was much more.
Afterwards when I thought over it I realized that the
charkha had tremendous potentiality. What is this power? What
231
232
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
can the charkha achieve? The charkha represents the power of
non-violence. If on the one side there is the armed might of the whole
world and on the other the charkha plied by the chaste hands —
not unworthy hands — of our women, the power of the charkha
is greater. You have all had a glimpse of that power. I have had a
little more of it. But no one amongst us has known the whole
of it. People merely thought that the charkha was only for poor
women. That it certainly is. But it is also a symbol of non-vio-
lence. If people knew this they would not burn the charkha.
Time was when the whole of India plied the charkha and
it enjoyed pride of place. There were no mills then either in
India or anywhere else in the world. Cotton textiles were sent to
the outside world from India and there was a time when Dacca
muslin known as shabnam} was very popular. It was greatly valued
by people outside India. They appreciated its beauty. I do not
wish to go into all that history, though it is quite interesting.
Nevertheless at that time the charkha was a symbol of slavery,
for women were then forced to give a certain quantity of yarn
and this was done by order of the government. And the Govern-
ment was not a Muslim government but a Hindu government.
It is all described in the books written at the behest of the Hindu
Government. Later on Bengal passed into Muslim hands, but this
system goes back to much earlier times. The charkha then truly
stood for slavery. Women were forced to spin; they had to supply
fixed quantities of yarn and they could not even ask to be paid
for it. The Government itself decided what little money was
to be paid for their labour and when even that money was not
paid the women could do nothing about it. The attitude then pre-
valent was that after all women were born to do such work. They
should be thankful if they were paid just a little money for it.
It is a tragic history the way women were exploited and I do not
wish to go into it. The charkha which was then a symbol of
slavery has been transformed into a symbol of our freedom, and
that is what I have been shouting from the house-tops.
During the Khilafat days the Ali Brothers were quick to
seize on the charkha. They said that we should now be able to
gain a victory over England through the balls of yarn prepared by
our women. All we had to do was to fling the balls at those who
imported cloth from England to sell it here. This was in 1920.
But the work of the charkha had been started perhaps in 1916.
In 1919^ I had toured the Punjab. You may ask me why, although
* Literally “dew”
^ Gandhiji had toured the Punjab in October-December 1919.
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
233
we have gained freedom, this storm is raging in India. The reason
for it is that in truth we have not embraced the charkha. It is
only women who have done some work in this direction. They liked
what I said because I am their friend and their servant. Some
of them came out from their seclusion after I entered the field.
Before that women would not attend meetings nor speak at meet-
ings. So women were kind to me and they took up the charkha.
But if they had taken up the charkha not out of kindness to me
but in the knowledge that the charkha would give them strength
and give India strength, we would not have been in the predica-
ment we are in today. We have to develop in us the power that
non-violence alone can give. For that we shall once again have to
adopt the charkha. Today we have forgotten the charkha. We
shall have to accept the charkha with all that it stands for. Only
then can we sing the glory of the tri-colour. That is why we
have the charkha in the middle of the tri-colour though of
course now the figure has been reduced to a wheel and we
find a different interpretation for it.^ That interpretation is not
bad. The idea behind the three colours was that the Hindus, Mus-
lims and others should work together and the idea of having the
charkha on it was that such work should be pursued through the
charkha. Today we have a larger army. We are trying to augment
it further. Our expenditure on the army has increased enor-
mously. What if the British are no longer here. It is a tragedy
and a shame. For so long we fought through the charkha and
the moment we have power in our hands we forget it. Today
we look up to the army. It is because we have forgotten the
charkha that we indulge in mutual fighting. Our mistake was
to imagine that the charkha was a thing only for women.
When I told the Sikhs and Muslims of the Punjab to ply the
charkha they were shocked. Could the charkha be for men? Men
had swords in their hands. I merely laughed. Later a few Sikhs
and Muslims accepted my advice and began to spin quite well.
But still I must say that the charkha has not made for itself a
home in the Punjab. But I do not want them to take up the
charkha out of kindness to me. They may well burn the charkha
and give up wearing khadi. The charkha being a symbol of
non-violence and a repository of great power, it is an emblem of
' Attributing great significance to the Chakra, Prof. Radha Kumud
Mookerjee traced its origin to Lord Vishnu’s Sudarshan Chakra — the Cosmic
Circle, comprehending all that is animate or inanimate. The Buddha called
it the Dhamma-Chakka — the Wheel of Righteousness — which was later adopted
by Emperor Ashoka as the State symbol. Vide also Vol. LXXXIX, p. 120.
234
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
courage. Let us embrace that ahimsa with deliberation and with
all our heart and intellect. Then no one can take it away from
us. If the ten crore adults in our country take to spinning there
can never be a famine of cloth in India. We produce a great
quantity of cotton and we can earn crores of rupees. The im-
portant thing is that no military force can stand up to the power
created by crores of people working together. It is my fault, not
that of ahimsa, if I cannot prove that. That is because I am
lacking in tapashcharja. But you cannot say that ahimsa does not
have the power. That power can find the fullest expression
through the charkha. If the millions do not ply the charkha, the
loss is obvious. Only a few lakhs of people can be employed by
the mills. What occupation shall we provide for the hundreds of
millions? This is what you have to consider. This is a supreme
economic as well as moral question.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 200-2
192. REPLY TO RICHARD B. GREGG
A correspondent writes':
I wonder if the correspondent has fully grasped the deeper
meaning of Mr. Gregg’s presentation. The latter will answer if
he chooses.
Harijan, 14-12-1947
193. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
December 14, 1947
brothers and sisters.
As I was coming to the prayer, I received a note saying that
a Muslim friend of the writer had been forced to go away to
Pakistan. The friend had left with the writer of the note some gold
and silver bought with the earnings of his own labour. He
wants to know how it is to be sent to its owner in Pakistan, who
* The letter is not reproduced here. The correspondent had rejected the
explanation suggested by Richard B. Gregg, for the recent violence in India.
Vide pp. 1-3.
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
235
however has not given his name and address in Pakistan. If he fur-
nishes the particulars I shall pass on the gold and silver to the
Government to be sent to the person concerned. Till he is traced
the property can remain with the Government. It is gratifying to
know that notwithstanding all that has happened there are still
among us Hindus and Muslims between whom fraternal feelings
continue to exist and who do not covet what belongs to their
friends of the other community. If everyone was like this the
misfortune that has befallen us would soon be overcome.
I told you I would be reporting to you briefly whatever took
place at the meetings of various Sanghs being held in the Harijan
Colony. Yesterday I told you about the Charkha Sangh and
its activities of spinning and weaving. I have to tell you now
about village industries and Nayee Talim. I shall deal with Nayee
Talim today.
Nayee Talim is not a thing with which everyone is acquainted,
though the work has been going on now for seven or eight years.
Nayee Talim consists in imparting all instructions through some
handicrafts. The idea in a way has much deeper roots. The
argument is that no education is true education unless it is found-
ed in truth and non-violence. A man may have acquired all the
learning, understood the essence of all the scriptures, may have
studied Sanskrit, Arabic and Persian, but, as the Sanskrit saying'
goes, unless he has acquired true wisdom all his education has
been in vain. By true wisdom is meant that which leads us to
mukti. There are of course various kinds of mukti. There is
release from the bondage of action, release from the clutches of
a tyrant, release of a girl from the hands of a maniac, and
liberation of the country from foreign yoke. The mukti meant
here is the liberation from all the ills of the world. Education
that is not rooted in truth and non-violence is no education in
the proper sense of the word. There are so many instances of
people who were highly learned and yet were Satanic in their
pursuits. One famous instance is that of Ravana. Ravana
possessed great learning and his penance too was great. And
yet because his pursuits were demoniac he perished, whereas
Rama lives even today. We regard Rama as a manifestation
of the Supreme Lord. So in order to acquire true wealth of
learning we must cultivate truth and non-violence. The dis-
cussion at the meeting centred round the question of the method
of giving such education. It could not obviously be imparted
236
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
through books. Then what should be done? Millions of people
in the country pursue some handicraft. They cannot all be rich.
Even in America everyone is not rich. True, the poverty there
is of a different order but the hardships attendant on poverty are
similar. In the same way various other ills widespread in India
also exist there. With all their wealth and all their learning they
have not been able to overcome these. I thought that if the mil-
lions were to be given education it could be done only through
handicraft. If among a population of hundreds of millions a lakh
or two have secured what now passes for education, what good
can it do ? And if everyone tried to have that education we would
go bankrupt. The real system of education is one where the
children of rich and poor, of king and subject, receive education
through crafts. And this cannot be done unless we adhere to
truth and non-violence. It becomes a question of religion here —
not religion in a sectarian sense but religion in a universal
sense. Such religion is eternal. It cannot change. It is for all,
as much for Hindus as for Muslims. One cannot say that
Hindus should speak the truth and Muslims should tell lies.
It is in the interest of all to speak the truth. It is no one’s
religious duty to commit violence. If someone asks me whether
Sikhs and Muslims may not receive Nayee Talim I shall say that
if Sikhs and Muslims both declare that they are votaries of violence
then certainly Nayee Talim would not be for them. Nayee Talim
is not the special province of any one sect. I have studied all reli-
gions and assimilated their essence. Muslims and Sikhs both come
and sit beside me. They advocate violence only where all other
methods fail. But when we initiate a child into education we
should begin by teaching him how to die rather than kill. We
therefore decided that if we had to conduct Nayee Talim it had to
be in this way. Those carrying it on must stand by truth and
non-violence. Only then can it succeed. But I do not know if
it is so now. I cannot read anyone’s heart. I am also not a
prophet. The reins of Nayee Talim are not in my hands. All
I can do is to offer advice when asked. True, I conceived the
idea. But the organization itself was formed by the Congress.
Zakir Husain is its President. If he does not hold by truth and
non-violence he should resign. But I have never known him to
be guilty of falsehood or violence. He is associated with me
only because he does not believe in violence. The Secretaries of
the Hindustani Talimi Sangh are Aryanayakum and his wife.
They too are votaries of truth and non-violence. I am busy
otherwise and they have to run the scheme. They are the moving
LETTER TO VALJI G. DESAI
237
spirit behind Nayee Talim. It is not even Zakir Saheb. He is
only the President. If Aryanayakum and Asha Devi abandoned
it the scheme would collapse. It is not an organization which
can run on its own. Take the Congress for instance. I am of
course out of it. But even if Jawaharlal, the Sardar and Rajendra
Babu go out of it the Congress will go on. Or take the Charkha
Sangh. I am its President. If I leave it, its work will go on, for
it is an organization that has existed for many years. But that
is not so with Nayee Talim. It has yet to establish itself well. It
will be well established when those running it have the qualities
of the sthitaprajna described in the Gita^. We must find an acti-
vity in which everyone can participate. I want to tell you that
handicrafts alone provide such activity.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 202-4
194. LETTER TO VALJI G. DESAI
December 15, 1947
CHI. VALJI,
I got the letter written on the reverse side yesterday. I am
sending the article on railways^ after revising it.
I feel a trace of violence in what you have suggested. Read
what St. Paul says about charity^. I am doing that, too, in my
own way. Though I am a friend of the Ministers, I am not a
Minister. People outside the Government cannot understand
their difficulties. And I, too, am an outsider. Need I say more
to a wise man?
I am sending Thadani’s to the man himself. I have still
not received the volumes of Prempanth'^. But I think they will
arrive in due course. I will not write specially to acknowledge
their receipt.
Blessings from
Bapu
From the Gujarati original: C. W. 7507. Courtesy: Valji G. Desai
• II. 55-72
^ The article was published under the title “Democratize Our Railways”
in Harijan, 21-12-1947.
^ I Corinthians, ch. 13
Ten volumes of Gandhiji’s writings in Gujarati edited by the addres-
see. For Gandhiji’s foreword to it, vide Vol. LXXXV, p. 81.
195. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING^
New Delhi,
December 15, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
I was pained to read in the papers that the refugees have
forcibly occupied the buildings of six municipal schools and have
so far resisted all attempts of the New Delhi Municipal Commit-
tee to make them vacate the buildings. The Municipality, one
understands, is now seeking police help in the matter.
This episode is an instance of shameless rowdyism. In the
capital city of India such happenings are a cause for great shame.
I hope those responsible for this will repent and leave the school
premises. If they do not, I hope their friends will try to make
them see reason and the authorities will not be forced to carry
out its threat. It is a general complaint against the refugees that
in spite of all their tribulations they have not become sober, re-
sponsible and industrious citizens. Let us hope that the refugees
in general and those who have forcibly occupied schools will repent
and prove that the complaint is not justified.
On Saturday^ I referred to the rowdyism in Calcutta. Those
indulging in rowdyism there were not refugees. The incident had
a different background too. It is the duty of all leading men,
whatever their persuasion or party, to safeguard the dignity of
India. India’s dignity cannot be saved if misgovernment and
corruption flourish. I mention corruption because misgovernment
and corruption always go together. I have it from very trust-
worthy sources that corruption is increasing in the country. Is
everyone then going to think only of himself, not at all of India?
A correspondent writes:
I have just been listening to your prayer speech of yesterday on
the radio. You say some Muslims from U. P. who have been to Lahore,
have assured you on behalf of the Pakistan Government that non-Mus-
lims, and in particular Hindus, can go back there and resume their
businesses. In the first place to invite only the Hindus and not the
Sikhs shows cunning and is intended to create a breach between Hindus
^ As Gandhiji was observing silence, his written speech was read out at
the meeting.
^ December 12
238
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
239
and Sikhs. Such assurances are treacherous. They are a mockery. Only
persons like you can be taken in by such talk from the Muslims.
I send you a cutting from The Hindustan Times of December 11. It
will tell you something about the sincerity and truthfulness of the
Pakistan Government. Will you still say that the Muslims who come
to you are honest people ? All they are concerned about is to make you
believe that the Pakistan Government is just to the minorities and all is
well in that country, although facts speak otherwise. If those Muslim
gentlemen come to you again, please show them the cutting. I am
sure you will not have forgotten what befell the Hindus and Sikhs
who had gone to Lahore on November 20 last to take out their valu-
ables from the bank. The armed units escorting them were attacked in
the presence of responsible Government officers of Pakistan who did
nothing to stop the attackers.
The cutting says:
According to a report recently published in the Civil and Military
Gazette of Lahore, non-Muslim traders and shopkeepers who had left
Pakistan during the riots are coming back in the hope of resuming
their trades, after an interval of months. But before they are given
back the possession of their shops they are made to sign such impos-
sible conditions that many had to go back disappointed. The Reha-
bilitation Commissioner has laid down the following conditions for letting
people reopen their shops:
1. The proprietor or owner will keep a full account of sales.
2. He will not transfer cash or commodities from one place to
another without prior permission of the Government.
3. He will give an undertaking to keep his shop as a going con-
cern.
4. He will deposit in a bank the daily proceeds from sales.
5. He will live permanently in Lahore.
No conditions are laid down for the Muslims. Then why these
conditions for the Hindus? The Hindus say they cannot abide by the
conditions. So they go back disappointed.
I have already spoken of the possibility of disappointment and
even if the report is accurate it does not necessarily follow that
what the Muslim friends told me is false. The persons concerned
have not only to think of their own position but they have to
think of India, whose representatives they are, and of Pakistan
which has given them the assurances. I may say that the Mus-
lim friends concerned keep in touch with me. They came to see
me today too. But I was observing silence and writing my
240
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
prayer message and so could not see them. They sent me word
that they were not sitting idle but working for their mission. My
advice to the correspondent is not to be so full of distrust and so
sensitive. He will lose nothing by trusting. Distrust eats up a
man. He should behave with discretion. For myself I can only
say that I do not regret what I have done. All my life I have
trusted in people with my eyes open. I shall continue to trust the
Muslim friends till it is proved that they cannot be trusted. Trust
begets trust. It gives one the strength to face treachery. If re-
fugees from both sides are to go back to their homes the way for
it is the way I have adopted and am following. The correspon-
dent’s suspicion that it is a trick to create a split between the
Hindus and the Sikhs is wrong. I had even mentioned to the
Muslim friends the possibility of their assurance being given such
prejudicial construction. They denied vehemently that there was
any trickery in it. I see nothing wrong in a path being paved for
those wishing to return. It cannot be denied that there is more
poison in Pakistan for Sikhs than for Hindus but the Hindus and
Sikhs have to swim or sink together. They should harbour no
malice. Intriguers cannot have sincere amity among themselves.
A correspondent from East Pakistan says:
Now that India has been partitioned how can you call yourself a
citizen of united India? Now what belongs to one Dominion cannot
belong to the other.
Whatever the legal pundits may say they cannot rule the hearts
of men. Who can prevent the correspondent from saying that he
is a citizen of the world ? Legally that is not the case and some
countries have laws that would prevent him from entering those
countries. But if one has not been reduced to an automaton,
as some of us have not been, what does it matter to one what
one’s legal status is? So long as we are morally on the right
path we do not have to worry. What we have to take care of is
that we do not nurse enmity towards anyone or any country. For
instance no one who harbours enmity towards Muslims or Pakistan
can claim to be a citizen of both Pakistan and India. If such
feeling of enmity spreads it will end up in a war breaking out
between the two countries. Every country will treat as traitors
those of its citizens who harbour malice towards it and help a
foreign country. Loyalty is indivisible.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 204-8
196. LETTER TO JIVAJVJI D. DESAI
December 16, 1947
CHI. JIVANJI,
I am sending a lot this time. The notes will be sent by
Kalyanam or Sushila. The items contain three or four varieties
of model Hindustani, including some articles* by Sundarlal. If
all of them cannot be included this time, you may include as
many as possible. Do you think the compositors there will be
able to decipher the handwriting? If you think any portion
requires to be revised here, let me know. Dev’s article^ is
a long one. You may break it up into two or three instalments.
Its English translation^ also is there. It also may be broken up
into the same number of instalments.
Please don’t think that I shall be able to repeat this per-
formance every time.
Pyarelal arrived here yesterday. He also will write something
now.
Let me know if there is any effect on circulation.
Blessings from
Bapu
From the Gujarati original. C. W. 6963. Courtesy: Jivanji D. Desai
* The articles entitled “Hindi ya Hindustani”, “Somnathka Mandir”
and “Notes” appeared in Harijan Sevak, 21-12-1947 and 28-12-1947.
^ Which appeared in Harijan Sevak, 4-1-1948 and 11-1-1948 under the
title “Prayashchittaki Yatra”
^ Which appeared in Harijan, 4-1-1948 and 11-1-1948, under the title
“The Pilgrimage of Penance”
90-16
241
197. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM
December 16, 1947
CHI. AMTUL SALAAM,
I have your letter. Bari' has written to you. How is it his
letter has not reached you ? He does not wish you to come here.
Go to Borkamta. Your field of work is there. I am sending a
telegram.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 591
198. TELEGRAM TO AMTUSSALAAM
New Delhi,
December \_16Y, 1947
Amtulsalaam
Gandhi Camp
Ramganj
Noakhali
YOU CAN GO BORKAMTA.
Bapu
From a photostat: G. N. 592
199. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
December 16, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
I am told — and to some extent it is true — that controls on
certain articles of food and clothing have been removed and will be
' Bari Khan, addressee’s brother
^ The date has been inferred from the letter to the addressee dated
December 16, 1947; vide the preceding item.
242
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
243
removed from more articles. There is now no doubt that controls
are on the way out and Brijkishan has told me of its very first
consequence. Gur, which used to be sold at Re. 1 a seer is now
available at 8 [annas] a seer. This is some achievement. Of course
the price should be still lower. When I was young no one could
have dreamt that gur would ever become so dear. A seer of it could
be had for one anna or less. We should therefore hope that the
price of this commodity will further fall. No doubt we cannot
have it free of cost. Similarly, sugar has come down from Rs.
32 to Rs. 20 a maund. Moong^, urad'^ and arhar^ are now sold at
Ij seers for a rupee. The same is true of gram. Gram, in my
opinion, is included in the pulses, but in this region it has various
special uses and so it is kept separate. It used to sell at Rs. 24
a maund. Now the price is Rs. 18. The black-market price of
wheat used to be Rs. 34 a maund. It is now Rs. 24. The same
goes for other articles. People used to frighten me that I did
not know how markets were operated, how prices rose and fell,
that I did not know economics, that I was saying what I did
because I was a mahatma and did not have to suffer the con-
sequences of decontrol; it was the poor who would have to suffer.
But from the first results of decontrol I see that the people will
live rather than die through the measure. I shall therefore say that
control on maize, barley and millet should also be lifted. Because
those who are used to millet will continue to eat millet. They
will not be able to digest wheat. Similarly there are many whose
staple diet is maize. I thus see no reason why control on these
articles should continue. Dr. Rajendra Prasad too had promised
that gradually all controls would be lifted. We have seen the
desirable consequences of some controls being lifted. Now take
match-boxes. One has to pay an exorbitant price for a box of
matches in the black-market, which is really the open market.
There is no doubt that if it is decontrolled it will have a very
good effect. Match-boxes never used to be so costly. In my
time it cost almost nothing. Today a box of matches is sold,
maybe, for one anna. Then one got a whole dozen for that
price. Things were never so costly as they are now. I am
happy when people’s incomes rise but the rise in prices always
distresses me. If the prices rise the excess should go to the toiler,
but even then prices cannot rise so steeply. This happens when
traders turn wicked and greedy and want to pocket as much profit
as they can. We have got our independence and we have been
' to ^ Varieties of pulses
244
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
through a great calamity also, but still we have not learnt purity
of conduct. If our traders content themselves with what is a
just profit, I have not the least fear that decontrol will lead to
a rise in prices. Even those who have such a fear attribute it
to the fact that we are wicked and dishonest. Traders care only
for their profits and the farmers and other producers too are
only concerned with filling their own bellies and nobody bothers
about the consumers. If that is so, how can one say that there
is democracy in India? How can such things be permitted in
a democracy ? In a democracy it is incumbent on the Govern-
ment to trust the people. It must clearly say that it will do
as the people desire but that if what they desire brings them
hardships it cannot be held responsible. True, we have a Civil
Service, but all of us who are here should consider ourselves
soldiers and serve the people. Today malpractices fiourish. I
am continuously receiving telegrams, etc., from everywhere. I
understand there are some fishy practices going on in Bombay
though I do not know exactly what. This should stop. But the
people should congratulate the Government for the good work
that has so far been done. It also encourages it. So much for
the lifting of controls.
There is then the matter of the [Indian] Civil Service. I
am receiving letters every day complaining of the expenditure
still being incurred on the Civil Service. How can all I. C. S.
men be removed all at once? And if they were, how would the
work go on? Some have already gone and some others, who
are soon to go, are having to do much hard work. The I. C. S.
is in the charge of the Sardar. He praises that cadre very highly.
Although they are few in number the I. C. S. men deserve to
be complimented for the work they do. They no doubt re-
ceive high salaries. Still, it is we who constitute the real Civil
Service. Let the Government accept us as the Civil Servants
and, in order to enforce discipline, punish us as it does the
Civil Servants. Let it summon any one of us and say he has to
do such and such work. Is not there a law to punish those
guilty of misconduct? If there is none, I shall say they should
frame one. They should place on the whole people the respon-
sibility they have placed on the Civil Service. It is after all a
people’s government.
Why do I have to say this? Because there has been a fresh
development; the Congress has said that there should be a Par-
liamentary Secretary attached to each Minister, and these Par-
liamentary Secretaries should be not from among the I. C. S.
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
245
officers but from the ranks of the Congress or from among those
supporting the Congress. Of course they will not work gratis.
They will have to be paid salaries. If today we did not con-
trol the Government with its immense financial resources, how
could we have paid these salaries? But since we control the
Government we must pay one a salary of Rs. 1,500 or Rs. 2,000,
give him a house and other benefits, and call him a Parlia-
mentary Secretary. I must say it pains me — be it a Parlia-
mentary Secretary attached to the Prime Minister or to the
Home Minister or any other Minister. Even if the Parliament
— or rather the Congress Party — insists on creating such a post,
does one have to work only for a salary? In that case India
will become a worthless country. Was our strength born only
today? Let us first produce some results. Let us sit down and
assess how much we have produced in excess of what was pro-
duced till August 14. Have we produced more grain, more cloth,
more industrial goods? When people become industrious, earn
money and become prosperous so that they can be generous
in giving, then we can say that lustre has been added to India’s
name and its worth has gone up. But today our per capita
income is only Rs. 70. This is nothing. When this has doubled
or risen even further and the rural incomes have also risen you
can then ask the Government to pay more. But if our produc-
tion does not increase and we go on increasing our expenditure,
where shall we be? Take for instance a shop — and India is
only a large shop — whose proprietor seeks from the manager an
account of the sales every evening. If he is told the sale today
has been worth Rs. 1,000 while yesterday it was worth only Rs.
500 he is pleased. But when he is told that the expenditure
has been of the order of Rs. 1,500, he will fly into a rage and
start shouting at the manager. Shouting and abusing is bad
no doubt and so is getting angry, but his point is well taken.
If the income is Rs. 1,000 and the expenditure Rs. 1,500, where
is he to find the Rs. 500 to balance the books? Today we have
the money, so we go on a spree. Tomorrow it will be gone. It
therefore pains me when we throw money away so recklessly.
This will do for today.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 208-13
200. LETTER TO KIRAN SHANKAR
New Delhi,
December 17, 1947
DEAR KIRAN SHANKAR,
Your letter. I had some talk with Satin Babu but what I
said I do not recollect. Anyone who quotes me should produce
my written word. I could have only discussed general principles.
Tours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
201. LETTER TO VALJI G. DESAT
December 17, 1947
CHI. VALJI,
I see no contradiction between the two replies. The only
difference is that Tha. has enumerated more virtues.
Blessings from
Bapu
From the Gujarati original: C. W. 7508. Courtesy: Valji G. Desai
* On top of the letter Gandhiji has made the following note in English:
Tagore’s equations:
Rama = ideal son
= ideal brother
= ideal husband
= ideal ruler
246
Bharat
Lakshman
Sita
ideal wife
202. LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI
December 17, 1947
CHI. NARANDAS,
You have given me quite a vivid description. We are living
in critical times. Be vigilant. Khadi is not merely khadi, but
includes many other things. Without these other things, khadi is
no more than a peasant’s pankoru^.
They say you have grown old. Could it be true?
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro-9: Shri Narandas Gandhine, Part II, p. 320. Also C. W. 8649.
Courtesy: Narandas Gandhi
203. LETTER TO JAMNA GANDHI
December 17, 1947
CHI. JAMNA,
I have your letter. Kanu and Abha can go there when they
want. I think they are no more in a position to serve their own
parents exclusively. Who can ride two horses at a time? The
best course is to serve as well as you can and repeat the name
of Rama, the dispeller of distress, whether or not you are in
distress, and live as He keeps you.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
204. LETTER TO SHANKARLAL
New Delhi,
December 17, 1947
CHI. SHANKARLAL,
I got two letters from you. Nothing after that. I can under-
stand that many friends come to you. But those whose presence
^ A rich garment; literally, a silk sari, worn at a wedding
247
248 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
is not needed there should be asked to go back to their business.
Keep them all well informed. This will stop the crowding
around you, and allow the patients as well as their attendants to
have some peace. It will also save money and time. Narahari
will recover by and by. But he will have to have prolonged rest.
Did the hailstorm cause heavy damage?
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
205. A LETTER
December 17, 1947
I am passing through a difficult time. I have not a mo-
ment to spare. I am convinced that this communal conflict is
not of the common people’s making. A handful of persons are
behind it. Whose fault is it if I do not see amity even between
these two . . .?' If the ocean itself catches fire, who can put it
out? Falsehood has spread so much that one cannot say where
it will end.
If in that yajna, our struggle for freedom, we had been wholly
negligent in preserving truth it is doubtful that we could have
attained even this so-called swarajya. Truth is my only God.
Truth alone to me is prayer, penance and the rest. I am a
Hindu. I know that if the world were to adopt my Hinduism
mankind would be free from all the worldly ills and man would
live in a truly human manner. All this that I have dictated for
you has just occurred to me after the prayer.
My health is all right. It is no small mercy of God that
even under such heavy burden of work the body continues to
be fit.
You would all be well. Ghi. Manu will write to you the
rest.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 1 12-3
Omission as in the source
206. MESSAGE TO U. P. STUDENTS
December 17, 1947
I have your letter and invitation. I love being among stu-
dents because I consider myself a student. But at present I am
trapped here. Still, this too is a big school. I am being schooled
here and am staying here for my examination. Whether
I pass or not is in the hands of God. Both are the same to
me. You should take your examination in the same spirit. I do
not mean that you should only read books for your examination.
I can say from experience that so long as our schools do not
impart lessons in moral uplift there can be no awakening amongst
us. Today the atmosphere in colleges and schools is not pure.
First of all it should be purified. Today, though the students
read so many books and spend so much money they are not
free from anxiety, because they are not self-reliant. I want to
change this pitiable condition and I want the students’ help in
this. We shall remain crippled as long as we do not conduct
our universities through crafts.
Now swarajya has come. Let us all be brothers and sisters.
Let no one be high and no one low. Let there be no Hindus, no
Parsis, no Christians and no Jews. We should realize that we
are only Indians, and that religion is a private matter.
M. K. Gandhi
[From Hindi]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 113-4
207. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
December 17, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
A friend who is living in Hoshiarpur, maybe he belongs
there, has asked me a number of questions. He has given his
name, but I do not wish to disclose it. I shall leave his
questions too. He says before the partition the Punjab was one,
so that if someone had his business in one part he had his house
and property in another. This friend had his business in West
249
250
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Punjab, while his house and property were in East Punjab.
He had to flee West Punjab along with thousands of others.
He thought since he had his property in East Punjab he would
be able to carry on his business there. But he found on his
arrival there that his house had been occupied by a Government
official. He was given only two rooms, the rest being kept by
the official. It would appear that it is a large house. He asks
if he is not entitled to get back his house. If he does not get
it back, will the Government help him or must he then go to
court? In my opinion he should be given back the house.
Why should litigation be forced on him? If the occupant is a
Government official, it is all the more necessary for the house
to be returned to its owner.
As I had occasion to mention earlier, refugees tend to
occupy any vacant premises anywhere, even breaking locks where
they happen to be locked. So long as someone lives as a
tenant in a house and pays rent it is all right. But how can he
continue to live there when the owner of the house returns to
the house? He can only stay there if he arrives at some
understanding with the owner, but it cannot be that he should
retain the major portion of the house and the owner should
become a guest in his own house. But the refugees are not in
the position of tenants. All that they can say for themselves is
that they have been forced out of their houses. Does it give
them the right to occupy any property? If such property hap-
pens to be the house of a Muslim, then all is over. Refugees
think it is theirs by right. But we can do no good either to
ourselves or to India in this way. Has anyone ever done any
good to himself by theft or plunder or arson? If this sort of
thing goes on here, it must happen in Pakistan, too, and it will
become impossible for anyone except Muslims to five in that
country. I receive communications every day warning me
against being taken in by sweet talk and telling me that no
one except Muslims has any place in Pakistan. But if only
Muslims are left in Pakistan in the end, they will then quarrel
among themselves. Whether this sort of thing goes on in Pakis-
tan or India, it is not good. It is worse in fact if it happens
in India, for we never said that India belonged to Hindus alone
or that only one community could five here. Everyone who is
born in India and who considers himself an Indian has a right
to stay in India. Pakistan however was conceived as a home-
land of Muslims. But when Pakistan became a reality on August
14 they said everyone would be able to five in Pakistan. This
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
251
made me happy. What irks me is that what is said is often
not implemented. And if the Hindus and Sikhs here do the
same I see in it only the ruin of the two communities and of
the world. No good can ever come of it.
A friend from Lahore says he had to leave his house and
property against his wishes. He was forced to flee West Punjab
and come here. When I advised the refugees to go back he went
back. He found that his house and land were no longer his. He
was given long lectures but he was not given back his property.
How then could I say that the refugees should go back?
I have dealt with this question before but since he has
raised it I shall say something again. I have very clearly said
that the refugees should go back only when the circumstances
have become more propitious. Those who would like to return,
should keep themselves in readiness. First the Muslim friends
who have taken the initiative in this respect have to go there.
So far it is only an idea but it cannot remain only an idea in-
definitely. They spoke in the name of the Pakistan Government.
Or they will have to admit in the end that they have failed
and that they were wrong in representing the Pakistan Govern-
ment as desiring the Hindus to go back. The correspondent
says that declarations are one thing and practice quite another
and he wants to know whether he should go back. He has
every right to ask. I must clearly say that at the moment there
is no question of anyone going back. There are many people
wanting to go back. I tell them that when the time comes for
them to go back I shall let them know the date. I shall not
ask anyone to go now. No one can really think of this at such
an early stage, but it is very satisfying when these Muslim
friends give this assurance. If they succeed I am sure that the
present poison in the atmosphere will soon disappear. What
needs to be done is to ensure that it will. For the present, how-
ever, the correspondent and others like him should keep calm.
When the time comes I shall let them know. After all no one
wants to go to Pakistan secretly. What I hope is that the Pakis-
tan Government will arrange for a train which can take 5,000
people. They will go willingly and as a matter of right. They
will go because they will have been invited.
There is yet another matter I must speak about and that is
East Africa. You may perhaps not know that Nairobi is the most
salubrious part of East Africa. It is like Simla in India. We
in India have four or five months that are quite good and then
we have months of severe heat, especially severe in the plains.
252
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
People then want cool air and go to Simla or Darjeeling for it.
India is a big country. Not so East Africa. It was the Sikhs
who built Nairobi. Sikhs are very sturdy and industrious people.
With great labour they built a railway in Nairobi. And yet
they are debarred from Nairobi. They may go there as labour-
ers but not as settlers and traders. So much about Nairobi. But
the thing does not stop there. Once the first step is wrong, you
go wrong all the way. So now they propose to enact a Bill
against Indian immigration into East Africa, very much on the
lines of South Africa. Attempts are being made to take away
such rights as the Indians have so far enjoyed. The Bill has
not yet been passed but it has been introduced in the Legis-
lative Assembly. The Indians there have hopes from us. They
have sent a communication to Pandit Nehru, who is also our
Foreign Minister in addition to being our Prime Minister. They
have sent him a telegram and forwarded a copy to me. They
want me to say something on the matter. Since I have been in
Africa they have a claim on me. I therefore take this oppor-
tunity to raise my voice. It will no doubt reach there. India
is now a free country. Will free India be treated thus? Mom-
basa and East Africa are British territories. Will the Indians be
subjected to maltreatment in a British territory? You must
know that there are a large number of Indian traders there —
many of them Khoja and other Muslims. There are also
many Hindus. They are from all parts of India. They have
also earned a lot of money through their trade with the Negroes
there. They have been there since long before the British en-
tered the area. Even Europeans had not made their entry there
and if they had they were not many in number. Indians
have built large mansions there. Even ships then belonged to us.
Later, when our position deteriorated, we lost the ships too.
Afterwards the British and other Europeans followed. It is
a long story into which I need not go. Indians lived in peace
with the Negroes and did business with them. I shall not say
they were always honest but certainly they did not take any-
thing from anyone forcibly. There are no communal differences
between Hindus and Muslims there. They are living in amity
and harmony. They want this anti-Indian Bill to be withdrawn.
It must be withdrawn. India is a free country and I am sure
Jawaharlal will do what needs to be done in this regard.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 213-8
208. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
December 18, 1947
I do feel angry but only with myself. Why should I be
angry with you? Even if a woman like you hesitates to accept
her mistakes, I do not see that you are at fault; the fault really
is mine. For you have been brought up under my care. The
atmosphere there' perhaps was not pure and so you did not in-
culcate all the virtues that make for sound character. And it was
my responsibility to see that the atmosphere there was pure. I
did not see to it. Hence I cannot disown my responsibility. In
the same way I assumed that the satyagraha struggles were con-
ducted solely on the basis of truth and non-violence. Today God
has made me realize that that was not so. Hence I say that
we make frantic efforts just to keep ourselves alive and there-
fore we cannot see our mistakes. Our ahimsa is not ahimsa.
It has been used as a weapon of the weak. It is himsa that
passes by the name of ahimsa. That is why today rivers of
blood are flowing everywhere. What the consequences may be is
anybody’s guess. But seeing all this, people like you should take
pity on an old man like me and pray to God to take me away.
I know that today I irritate everyone. How can I believe that I
alone am right and all others are wrong? What irks me is that
people deceive me. They should tell me frankly that I have
become old, that I am no longer of any use and that I should
not be in their way. If they thus openly repudiate me I shall
not be pained in the least. And I shall also then cultivate the
indomitable strength needed to serve Daridranarayandl. I have
only unburdened my heart to you. If possible let other girls
read this. Your health will be all right. . . .^’s going to America
is in the ofhng. I am not very keen about it. So I do not
have full information as to what is being done in that regard.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 123-4
' In the Ashram
^ God in the form of the poor
^ Omission as in the source
253
209. LETTER TO A MUSLIM
December 18, 1947
You of course come to see me every day. For a long time
now I have been feeling that nationalist Muslims are perhaps
a prey to fear. They come to me every day and talk a good
deal but the impression I get is that they exaggerate somewhat.
If we indulge in exaggeration it will do no good to anyone —
be he Hindu or Muslim. If we think that we alone are right
and suppress others in the belief that we are great and that
therefore there is no harm in coercing others, we shall fall; we
shall be deceiving ourselves. But if we are truthful we shall
show fearlessness, discretion and earnestness in our conduct.
If we are in error we should duly admit it. We shall not fall
thereby, we shall only rise higher.
M. K. Gandhi
[From Hindi]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 122-3
210. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
December 18, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
A correspondent writes to ask why I object to English
being used, but not to Urdu. The Muslims and the English are
the same to us since we are friends of all. The correspondent’s
complaint arises out of ignorance. Not only do I not object
to Urdu being used, I am its advocate. It is a provincial
language like Punjabi, Marathi, Gujarati, Bengali and Oriya.
There are as many languages as there are provinces in India.
To be sure there are many more languages in India but scholars
have selected 14 or 15 which have well-developed literatures
and which are more developed than the rest. But all these
14 or 15 languages cannot be used in all the provinces. The
question also is what language should serve as a link language
between the provinces. Ever since I returned from South Africa
254
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
255
I have been insisting that only a language which the largest
number of Hindus and Muslims speak can be our national
language. This can only be Hindustani written in the Devanagari
or the Persian script. English has no place in India. The
British ruled over India and so English became important. It
is a foreign language, not an Indian language. Therefore I say,
not reluctantly but proudly, that Urdu is an Indian language
formed in India. We are all devotees of Tulsidas. You will be
surprised to know that he has used any number of words of
Arabic or Persian origin in his Ramayana. He just picked up
words spoken in the streets and used them because Tulsidas
was writing for you and me. He was not writing for the few
speaking Sanskrit. The language of Tulsidas therefore is our
language.
Lala Lajpatrai^ was known as the Lion of the Punjab. He
is now no more. He was a friend of mine and occasionally I
jokingly used to ask him when he would learn to speak in
Hindi. He said that would never be. You must know that he
was an Arya Samajist^ and performed havan and other rituals.
As I used to stay with him I observed all this. In these rituals
Sanskrit alone is used and he was able to pick a few words
here and there in Devanagari. But his mother tongue was Urdu.
He was a great Urdu scholar, could write fluently in Urdu and
could also deliver long orations in that language. He could also
deliver long orations in English but he could never understand
Sanskritized Hindi. I could make myself understood by him
only when I used selected Arabic and Persian words. How then
can the correspondent object to my not objecting to Urdu? I
think no one should object to Urdu. English I certainly object
to. I have been twice President of the Hindi Sahitya Sammelan^
and I said the same thing there and no one opposed it. They
in fact applauded me. I am the same man. How then can
anyone suggest that I love Hindi less and am therefore less of
an Indian? In my view he who objects to Urdu is to that
extent less of an Indian.
^ (1865-1928); nationalist leader from the Punjab, educationist and
journalist; organized a massive agrarian movement in the Punjab in 1907, and
was deported to Burma; President of the Indian National Congress, 1920;
died of injuries sustained during demonstration against Simon Commission
2 A member of the Arya Samaj, a reformist sect of Hinduism, founded
by Dayanand Saraswati
^ In March 1918 and April 1935
256
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Today we find ourselves in a mess and have created poi-
son for ourselves. This is what happened in Ajmer. If you want
to safeguard Hinduism you cannot do so by treating as enemies
the Muslims who have stayed on in India. My days in this
world are numbered. Soon I shall be gone. You will then realize
that what I said was right. The same rule applies to Muslims.
Islam will be dead if Muslims can tolerate only Muslims. The
same goes for Christians and Christianity. All the religions of the
world are good, for they teach righteousness and friendship. Those
that teach enmity between men, I do not consider religions.
Even during the British rule I had said that English could
not be the language of India. I love the English language. I
can read and write it. Everyone knows that I am not an enemy
either of the English or their language. But everything has its
place. English is an international language. If we want to
deal with the world outside India, we can do so only through
English. English is a universal language. Hindustani has not
yet acquired that universality. It is a matter of sorrow that
while we have freed ourselves of English rule, we have not been
able to free ourselves of the impact of English culture and the
English language.
Hindustani is the language that has been formed through
the blending of Hindi and Urdu like the confluence of the two
rivers Ganga and Jamuna at Prayag. They share the same
grammar which is the grammar of Hindustani. It has words
from Sanskrit, Persian, English and various other languages. The
word ‘court’ is as much a foreign word as ‘kachehari’ and there
is no reason to reject the first and keep the latter. Similarly
there are words like ‘bicycle’ and ‘rail’. By what name would
you like to call a rail? The fact is that so many English words
have got into our speech and we do not despise them. But
if the correspondent had written to me in English, I would
have thrown away the letter knowing that he did know Hindus-
tani. Similarly if I were to send him any letter written in Eng-
lish he would have the right to throw it away. The matter is
really quite simple but we have forgotten what is right and what
is wrong. And a kind of perversity has come to lodge in us.
May God protect us.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 218-22
211. LETTER TO REV. GARDES
[ Decern her 19, 1947Y
MY DEAR GARDES,
Your letter. I am so glad you are there at last and in the
room that was allotted to me. Make yourself at home and take
up the work that suits you most.
I had thought you were passing through Delhi. Did you
not? Do write to me fully.
Love.
Bapu
Rev. Gardes
Sevagram^
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
212. LETTER TO NAWAB OF BHOPAL
New Delhi,
December 19, 1947
DEAR NAWAB SAHEB,
Your kind wire reached me yesterday. I know the patients^
are in safe hands. Chandrani is a promising servant of humanity.
I wonder who the assailants were. An inmate of the Ashram
is going to see the patients and bringing this note to you. A
note is going to Shwaib'* too.
Tours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
* The letter is placed in the source among those of this date.
^ The address is in Devanagari script.
^ Chandrani and her mother, who were assailed by some miscreants
near Bhopal Station. Chandrani was thrown out of the train.
Shwaib Qureshi
257
90-17
213. LETTER TO CHANDRANI
December 19, 1947
CHI. CHAND,
What a girl you are! People went thrice to the railway
station to receive you but you did not arrive. At last a dining-car
attendant mentioned that two women had come for meals and
that even the bill was unpaid; but no one knew what happened
after that. My apprehension proved right.’ I learnt about it from
the newspapers yesterday. Now I have all the details. Nawab
Saheb has wired that you and your mother are out of danger.
It’s all God’s grace. I hope you are both cheerful. You both
are coming here soon, are you not? Take as much rest as
the doctors advise. How were you attacked, who were the
assailants? This is being brought to you by Om Prakash. Tell
him everything if you cannot yourself write. Send him back soon.
Your brother is ready to come. Would you like him to come?
Whatever you say will be done.
Pyarelal is here.
Blessings to you both from
Bapu
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
214. LETTER TO CHIMANLAL JV. SHAH
New Delhi,
December 19, 1947
CHI. CHIMANLAL,
I have had a full discussion with Aryanayakum. I suggested
to him that although you were the lawful manager he should
regard himself as the de facto manager and act accordingly. It
means no one should lay claim to that part of the Ashram
which he requires for the Talimi Sangh. If he asks all the
inmates of the Ashram to leave, no one should stay on. He
’ When the addressee and her mother failed to arrive at Delhi as
scheduled on the 17th, Gandhiji had jocularly remarked: “Someone might
have thrown Chand out mistaking her to be a Punjabi.”
258
LETTER TO DEV PRAKASH NAYYAR
259
does believe that there is no difference between the inmates of
the Ashram and the members of the Talimi Sangh or between the
Ashram and the Talimi Sangh. He cannot do any good to the
Talimi Sangh at the cost of that of the Ashram. I accept this
fact in whatever I do, so should all of us. Moreover, he says
that neither Jaju nor Krishnadas has the slightest misunder-
standing about or mistrust of him, which they earlier had. I
asked him to convey all this to you. I also asked him to
write you a letter to this effect. He said that there was
no need for a letter. Tell me if you wish to have any change
in this. Tell me also if there has been any change.
You are likely to have seen something about Chand in the
newspapers. It’s a sad story. I cannot dictate any more.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
215. LETTER TO DEV PRAKASH N ATTAR
December 19, 1947
CHI. DEV,
Read this letter from Hunar. What is it about? Talk with
Hunar if you wish. Hand over my letter' to him.
I have your letter. There are many articles of yours but
I have not understood which of them you want back. I shall
enquire from Pyarelal.
You must have read the report about Chand in the news-
papers. Everything is being done from this end. There is a wire
from Nawab Saheb saying that there is no cause for worry. Om
Prakash has come. He is leaving today. You must not worry
at all.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
' Vide the following item.
216. LETTER TO M. A. HUNAR
December 19, 1947
CHI. HUNAR,
I have your letter. Probably it became your duty to stay on
when Mahesh detained you. Pandit Sundarlal is here. He has
not told me anything. I should at least have the opportunity
to give a hearing.
I do hope that there is only some misunderstanding some-
where about Dev. I have always held that Dev cannot be
tainted by Kaliyug^. I am sending on your letter to him. You
should have a free and frank talk with him.
General Shah Nawaz will be a little delayed.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
217. MESSAGE TO BIHAR
December 19, 1947
I am here but my heart is in Bihar. The peace that has
been brought to Bihar should not suffer the slightest breach.
Even if the whole of India should burn, Bihar must not lose
its peace. If Bihar can do this, then just as the history of
India’s freedom movement began with the Champaran Satya-
graha^ and came to be written in letters of gold, similarly Bihar
will occupy the place of glory in India’s history for aeons to
come. Of this I have not the slightest doubt.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^II, p. 133
' Last and worst of the fouryM^aj- (aeons)
2 Launched in 1917 against the Tinkathia system, under which peasants
had to grow indigo on 3/20 of their holdings at the will of the landlords. Vide
Vol. XIII.
260
218. ADDRESS TO MEOS
Jesarah,
December 19, 1947
Addressing a gathering mainly of the Meos Gandhiji remarked that his
voice was not so powerful as it once used to be. There was a time when
whatever he said was acted upon. If it had the original power, not a
single Muslim should have found it necessary to migrate to Pakistan from
the Indian Union or a single Hindu or Sikh to leave his hearth and home in
Pakistan and seek asylum in the Indian Union. What had taken place — the
orgy of murder, arson, loot, abductions, forcible conversions and worse that
they had witnessed — was, in his opinion, unmitigated barbarism. True, such
things were not unknown before, but there was not that wholesale communal
discrimination. Tales of such happenings had filled him with grief and
shame. Even more shameful was the demolition and desecration of mosques,
temples and gurdwaras. Such madness, if it was not arrested, must spell
ruin to both the communities. They were far from freedom while this
madness reigned.
What was the remedy, Gandhiji continued. He had no faith in the force
of bayonets. He could only present to them the weapon of non-violence,
which provided an answer to every emergency and which was invulnerable.
It was common to all great religions — to Christianity no less than to
Hinduism, etc., but it had today been reduced to a mere copy-book maxim
by the votaries of religions and in practice they all followed the law of the
jungle. His might be today a voice in the wilderness, said Gandhiji, but he
had no other message to give them except this message of non-violence — of
meeting the challenge of brute force with the power of the spirit.
Gandhiji then referred to the representation which was read to him by
a representative of the Meos in which had been catalogued their complaints
for which they wanted redress. He had placed that letter, Gandhiji told
the audience, in the hands of Dr. Gopichand, their Chief Minister and the
speaker would leave it to him (Dr. Gopichand) to tell them what he proposed
to do in regard to the various points set forth in it. All he could say
was that if any Government officer had been guilty of misconduct, he was
sure, the Government would not hesitate to take suitable action against
him. No individual could be allowed to usurp the function of the Govern-
ment and expect a reshuffle of Government offlcers at his bidding. He was
clear too that no conversion or marriage of a woman to a member of the
opposite community could be recognized as valid on the plea of consent
261
262 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
or free will. It was abuse of words to talk of free consent when terror
reigned.
He would feel happy, continued Gandhiji, if his words could bring
some consolation to them in their distress. Referring to the Meo refugees
who had been driven out of the Alwar and Bharatpur States, Gandhiji re-
marked that he looked forward to the day when all enmities would be for-
gotten and all hatred buried underground and all those who had been driven
away from their hearths and homes would return to them and resume their
avocations in perfect security and peace as before. His heart would then
dance with joy. He would never give up that hope so long as he lived.
But he was free to confess that today conditions were not ripe for it. He
was sure that the Union Government would not be remiss in discharging
its duty in that respect, and the States would have to listen to the advice
of the Union Government. The Instrument of Accession did not give to the
Rulers of the States the freedom to oppress their subjects. The Rulers had to
be trustees and servants of their subjects if they wanted to retain their status.
Gandhiji concluded by giving a word of advice to the Meos. He had
been told, he remarked, that the Meos were almost like criminal tribes. If
the statement was correct, it called for an all-out effort on their part to
reform themselves. It should not be left to others to do the work of recla-
mation. He hoped that the Meos would not resent his advice, but take it
in the spirit in which it was offered. To the Government he would say that
even if the allegation regarding the Meos was correct, that was no argu-
ment for sending them away to Pakistan. The Meos were subjects of the
Indian Union and it was its duty to help them to reclaim themselves by
providing them with facilities of education and establishing settlements for
them to settle in.*
Harijan, 28-12-1947, and The Hindustan Times, 20-12-1947
219. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
December 19, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
Today I had to go to Gurgaon to see the Meos. The Meos
there consist of refugees from Alwar and Bharatpur, besides those
who are natives of the place. The East Punjab Premier Dr.
Gopichand Bhargava accompanied me. He told the Meos that
* The audience was then addressed by Dr. Gopichand Bhargava. On his
way back to Delhi, Gandhiji visited an open-air camp of the Meos and
talked with the people there.
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
263
those of them who wanted to stay could stay on. The Government
would protect them. That hundreds of thousands had to leave
their houses and properties in Pakistan was something barbarous.
It was also a barbarous thing that people had to leave their
houses and properties here. One cannot go into who committed
more barbarities because such a discussion cannot end the enmity
that has been generated. It should not be our fate to be
eternal enemies of each other. It will only end in our ruin.
I have said that I cannot tolerate this. Those who have made
up their minds to go will certainly go but no one will be forced
to go. There are men and women there in large numbers. All
of them are in distress. Many of them have not even tents to
shelter them and the days are so cold. It is a tragic sight.
The Alwar State should admit its mistake and invite them back.
The Bharatpur State should do the same. One cannot say that
Meos are a criminal tribe. Who can say who is criminal
and who is not? And will you exile those who are criminals?
Will you kill them? This will never do. You have to reform
them and educate them and show them the ways of civilized
behaviour.
My second topic today is sugar. Sugar is not produced
everywhere. It has to be transported from the places where it
is produced. If we do not have sugar here we have to bring
it from the U. P. or Coimbatore, but how to do it? It can
only be brought in railway wagons, but there are no wagons
available. Dr. John Matthai who is in charge of the Railways is
helpless. He says all the wagons are already in use and are be-
ing fully utilized. Then there is a shortage of coal and iron and
of staff. Also the producers of sugar keep on raising prices and
after all it cannot be carried on one’s head. But though there
is a shortage of railway wagons there is motor transport. A
motor-truck runs as fast as a train and it does not require steel
rails on which to ply. But motor transport requires petrol and
petrol is still a controlled article. If the control over petrol is
lifted the trucks and lorries will start plying more easily and
haul goods from one place to another. The movement of salt
can also become more smooth. It is paradoxical that we pro-
duce so much salt and there is no tax on it any more, and yet
it is so costly. That is because supplies do not arrive. In my
view it has been a mistake to appoint contractors for producing
and supplying salt. If petrol is decontrolled trucks can be used
for carrying salt and several other things. It does not seem
right to decontrol certain articles and continue control over
264
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Others. When we have adopted decontrol as a policy we must
pursue it fully and see what happens. You cannot say there is
no petrol in the market. Black-market is flourishing in petrol
and it will continue to flourish so long as the control over it is
not lifted. I am told that corruption has also increased, that it
is necessary to grease the palm of the petroleum officer and it
is not a question of a rupee or two but of hundreds of rupees.
Petrol is required only by those who run motor transport. The
Government should retain what petrol it needs for itself and
release the rest to be sold in the open market. Of course even
if petrol should become virtually extinct and trains should
become immobilized, the country’s alfairs will not stop. Only
the mode of transport will be changed. We will revert to old
ways. I have therefore no fears from the control over petrol
being lifted.
We do not produce enough foodgrain for ourselves. We
may tell people to cultivate whatever land they have but for
this one is told that fertilizers are required for the import of which
we have to spend crores of rupees. The fertilizers cause erosion
of the soil. This is not what I say. It is what those who know
the subject say. Mirabehn has been doing this work. She con-
vened a conference of experts.^ Some very important people
were with her in this. There was Rajendra Babu and Sir Datar
Singh and various others who know something about the sub-
ject. The conclusions of the Conference are in the newspapers.
It recommended ways to make compost and what is called
organic manure. We have dung in plenty; then there is also
human faeces which can make very good manure. After it is
converted into compost nobody can say how it was made. If
you take it in hand it has a pleasant smell, not an unpleasant
one. In making compost they also mix grass, leaves and other
farmyard waste with the dung and in time it is converted into
very good manure. The Conference also passed many resolu-
tions but the substance was that we should all work hard at
agriculture and grow four maunds where only one maund grew
before. Mirabehn has left today. She lives in Rishikesh near
Hardwar. She intends to carry on this work there. I thought
I would tell you about this so that you can make what use
you can of the information.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 222-6
* The All India Compost Conference; vide pp. 269-71.
220. LETTER TO DEV PRAKASH NATTAR
5 a. m., December 20, 1947
CHI. DEV,
Yesterday I wrote a letter to you which will have reached
you.
Don’t worry about Chand. Her mother’s brother met me
yesterday.
Pyarelal read “The Call of the Hour” yesterday. I have
read it by now. The ideas are good. The last portion requires
more thought. I have made no effort to revise it; that would
require more time and from where can I have it? It is not
easy to form an association. First, discuss the matter with a few
people, then proceed further. Anyway, it is for you to consider
what the atmosphere prevailing there* demands. Of course, you
must consult Mahesh. If he disapproves you may give up the
idea. There is no harm in printing it as an essay after it has
been trimmed.
Enclosed with the letter to you yesterday were a letter from
Hunar and also my letter to him.
I do not understand what you have written in your letter to
Sushila. I cannot imagine stopping any work that is being carried
on in my name. I have not given up either Noakhali or Calcutta
or Bihar. In any of these three places, as here, I have only to
do or die.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
221. ERAGMENT OE A LETTER
December 20, 1947
I am now an old man; and maybe the country is exper-
iencing, in your sense, the surge of freedom. I do not see the
joy of it on any face. It may be that since I myself feel no joy
In Bihar
265
266
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
my eyes cannot see any. Does not a jaundiced person see only
yellow? If everybody practised his own dharma our condition
would immediately improve. Atman itself is atman’s friend and
foe.i
It is quite true that . . A has no use for non-violence and truth.
But of what worth are non-violence and truth today? Truth is
not a piece of stone. It is a diamond more valuable than the
Koh-i-noor and requires much more hard labour to mine. . . J
But those who are today engaged in demoniacal activity will find
it difficult to understand the experiment in truth.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 139-40
222. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
December 20, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
It is a matter of grief that there has been rioting again in
Delhi. It has been of a minor nature, but still it is regrettable.
If it is our wish that Muslims should leave India, we should say
so clearly or the Government may declare that it will not be
safe for Muslims to continue to live in India. Or we should all
tell them that rather than be killed off slowly in riots, it would
be better for them to go. But if we do so I see in it the doom
of Hinduism and Sikhism. Likewise it will be the doom of Islam if
Pakistan decides that no Hindus and Sikhs may live there. There
are not very many Muslims left in India. We have already expelled
a large number. They did not go voluntarily. They were com-
pelled to leave. I wish we could become brave and noble and
courageous. It is only a coward who will say that a Muslim may
not stay in India. Why can’t a Muslim stay in India? If he is
bad he must be reformed — not through violence but by persuasion.
Why have we come to this pass that Hindus and Sikhs should
live in fear in Pakistan and Muslims should live in fear in India?
And yet we make the tall claims that everyone can live in our
country in peace. I tell the Government that they must see that
our promises are fulfilled. The army, the police and the officials
have all to become good. If we behave decently we can make
' Bhagavadgita, VI. 5
^ ^ Omissions as in the source
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING 267
progress. If not, the reins of power that have come into our
hands will slip away.
I have not yet told you all that happened at the meeting
of the Charkha Sangh. The charkha is the pivot of the village
industries. If the charkha does not ply in the seven lakh vil-
lages of India the other village industries cannot flourish. The
charkha is the sun while the other village industries are the pla-
nets revolving around it. If the sun should become extinct the
planets cannot go on, for they depend on the sun. For India
the sun is the wheel which you can see enshrined in the flag.
It does not matter whether you see it as the Sudarshan Chakra
[of Krishna] or the Dharma Chakra of Ashoka. In my eyes
it is the symbol of the spinning-wheel. If that charkha goes on
in the villages of India other village industries will also go on.
But we shall have to see that they go on, because if they
decline the charkha also will decline. There are many villages
around Delhi. The villages supplied so many things. Today
all those things are not procurable. Perhaps you do not know,
although you should, that Delhi was full of Muslim craftsmen.
They have all left. Look at Panipat. There were many Muslims
there, weaving blankets and making such other things. Today
their trade is ruined. If Muslim craftsmen leave India it is
India’s loss. What is the reason for our flghting in Kashmir?
I consider it barbarous for the tribal raiders to have attacked
Kashmir; we had to send an army to fight them.
Yesterday I told you that Mirabehn had taken up the work
of compost-making and that the Government was helping her. We
can all carry on this work in our homes. We can collect human
waste, cow-dung and vegetable waste — which mix beautifully and
turn out to be an excellent manure — smelling good.
The work of the Village Industries and the Charkha Sangh
can go on only if the masses take it up. All the four organiza-
tions, namely, the Charkha Sangh, the Harijan Sevak Sangh, the
Gramodyog Sangh and the Talimi Sangh had been formed for the
masses, not for the rich. Everyone should co-operate in the work
of these bodies. If we want true democracy to be established in
India, we must all co-operate in furthering that work. It is only
the people who can make a success of any work. The people
provide the foundation on which alone we can raise a structure
of any height. But if we only continue our internecine strife we
shall meet with the same fate as the Yadavas did. Krishna, you
will remember, belonged to the Yadava clan and yet because they
strayed from the right path they took to drinking, debauchery
268
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
and fighting among themselves. The result was that they met
with a sad end. If we want that India should avoid that fate
we should all take in hand the activities pursued by the four
organizations I have mentioned.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 226-9
223. LAWS OF HEALTH
Shri Brijlal Nehru, himself a faddist like me, has written
to the Press belauding the statement of the Minister of Health
that “a very great deal of our ill-health is due to our own fault”
and saying that there is to his knowledge no governmental
agency responsible for removing this fault. He adds:
The attention of our Health Minister has so far been confined to
the establishment of hospitals, sanatoria, clinics, dispensaries, etc.,
i. e., devices for the treatment of disease; no institutions have been
founded for the prevention of disease by bringing home to the people
the need of correct living and the methods of doing so.
He then goes on to suggest that a separate branch be
established to attend to the promotion of health as distinguished
from treatment of disease. This agency may be given the assist-
ance of an advisory body of both experts and laymen so that
the experts may devise their schemes with the full knowledge of
the requirements of the people and the limitations under which
they have to live and work.
Why does this fellow-faddist want a separate branch for this
very necessary purpose? This was the fashion under the old
regime which went on piling expenditure on expenditure and de-
luded itself and the gullible public that the greater the expense
the greater the utility. I would have the Minister of Health re-
quire the doctors under her and the other staff understand that
their first care must be the attainment and preservation of the
health of the public whom they are paid to serve.
As a preliminary step the writer
would have the production of a book on health laws and correct
living in the conditions prevailing in India. To carry weight with the
public, the book must be brought out under the authority of the
Health Ministry of the Government of India. . . .* The duty of writing
^ Omission as in the source
COMPOST MANURE
269
such a book may be entrusted to the Indian Medical Association,
who should be required to produce it within a stated time. A transfer
of emphasis from disease to health in the teaching given in our medi-
cal colleges would in itself be most desirable.
Indeed, the teaching of the laws of health should be obli-
gatory in all schools and colleges. If the treatise recommended
by Shri Brijlal Nehru is brought out, I hope the authors
would be instructed to avoid the introduction of disease under
the guise of preserving health such as the craze for various
inoculations.
New Delhi, December 21, 1947
Harijan, 28-12-1947
224. COMPOST MANURE^
An All India Compost Conference was held in New Delhi
during the month to consider the question of compost develop-
ment on the widest scale possible. It was the conception of
Shrimati Mirabehn and was presided over by Dr. Rajendra Prasad.
Sardar Datar Singh, Dr. Acharya and other eminent men in
the line took part in it. Several important resolutions were
passed by it on schemes for towns and villages. A sub-
committee consisting of Shrimati Mirabehn, Shri Shivakumar
Sharma, Dr. B. N. Lai and Dr. K. G. Joshi (with Dr. B. N.
Lai as convener) was appointed to prepare a skeleton scheme
for the provinces. The resolutions emphasized the necessity of
“the agricultural utilization of town sewage, sullage and sludge,
the utilization of the by-products of the slaughter-house and
other trade wastes (for example, wool waste, mill waste, leather
waste, etc.) and for the composting of other materials like water-
hyacinth, cane-trash, press mud, forest leaves, etc.”
These resolutions are good and useful if they do not remain
merely on paper. The chief thing is whether they would be
reduced to practice throughout India. To do so will tax the
resources of many Mirabehns. Given the willing co-operation of
the masses of India, this country can not only drive out short-
age of food, but can provide India with more than enough.
This organic manure ever enriches, never impoverishes the soil.
The daily waste, judiciously composted, returns to the soil in
* For the Gujarati article on the same subject, vide the following item.
270
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
the form of golden manure causing a saving of millions of rupees
and increasing manifold, the total yield of grains and pulses.
In addition, the judicious use of waste keeps the surroundings
clean. And cleanliness is not only next to godliness, it promotes
health.
New Delhi, December 21, 1947
Harijan, 28-12-1947
225. COMPOST MANURE
Manure may be described as of two kinds: chemical and
organic. One might ask how manure could be organic? The
word “organic” is from English. Organic manure is made
from human and animal excreta mixed or not mixed with
grass, leaves and other such things. We do not regard plants as
lifeless but we do regard iron, etc., to be so. Manure formed from
such mixture is called “compost” in English. I consider such
manure as valuable as gold. It keeps the soil ever fertile. It
does not erode the soil and make it barren. It is said that
chemical fertilizers destroy the humus of the soil as also bacteria
and makes it necessary to keep the soil fallow after every few
years of cultivation. Moreover organic manure prevents the
breeding of pests.
Under Mirabehn’s inspiration and through her efforts a
Conference was called in Delhi this month to popularize such
manure among the people. It was presided over by Dr. Rajendra
Prasad. It was attended by Sardar Datar Singh, Dr. Acharya
and others who are experts in this field. After three days of
deliberation they passed several important resolutions. In these
resolutions they have pointed out what should be done in cities
and in the seven lakh villages. The Conference has suggested
the method of mixing human and animal excreta, garbage, rags
and factory waste, in rural and urban areas. For this purpose
a small sub-committee has been formed.
The face of India will change if the resolutions do not
remain on paper and crores of people put them into actual prac-
tice. We will be then able to save golden manure worth crores of
rupees which is being wasted because of our ignorance. The soil
will become fertile and we will get better crops than what we are
getting. As a result we will be rid of famines, crores of people
will get enough to eat and the surplus can be exported.
LETTER TO CHHAGANLAL JOSHI 271
Today our crops are in the same poor condition as our men
and animals. The fault is not of the soil but of the people.
The worms of lethargy and ignorance are eating into us.
The task undertaken by Mirabehn is of immense magnitude.
It will require thousands of Mirabehns. People should take up
the work with zest and Government departments should be
awake. Merely a few volunteers will not be able to do the work
which requires crores of men. We should have an army of
volunteers.
Is India so fortunate? Here India means both the parts. If
the southern part takes up the work one may be sure the
northern part will also take it up.
New Delhi, December 21, 1947
[From Gujarati]
Harijanbandhu, 28-12-1947
226. LETTER TO CHHAGANLAL JOSHL
New Delhi,
December 21, 1947
CHI. CHHAGANLAL,
I have seen your letter and the note you gave to Dr. Din-
shaw and Jehangir. I like the note. It was good that you went
with the gentlemen.' I think they are both noble, circumspect,
patriotic and industrious. There is a letter from Jehangir inform-
ing me that they will be seeing me next week.
Let us hope that by God’s grace the atmosphere of Kathiawar
will not be vitiated.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
' Vide “Letter to Narandas Gandhi”, p. 178.
227. LETTER TO LILAVATI ASAR
New Delhi,
December 21, 1947
CHI. LILI,
I have your postcard. So you have found a place. You de-
serve congratulation. I deem it your good fortune that you have
an opportunity to study under a man like Dr. Mangaldas Shah.
You should not be put out by his severity. You should welcome
it and benefit from it. If someone wants to improve us and in
so doing corrects us, takes us to task in the presence of others,
we should be pleased rather than annoyed. More so when the
person happens to be our teacher. If a doctor makes a mistake,
the patient has to pay for it — at times with his life. One should
therefore look for a teacher who does not condone mistakes.
You must get rid of your tendency to worry. That the
pain in your feet should persist I don’t like. You must go to a
doctor and find a cure for it. It will be a crime to be careless
or lazy in this matter.
You must devote yourself to your studies without being im-
patient. You must think of nothing else for the present. Ponder
and digest what you read. The student who is given to cram-
ming is considered a fool of the first water.
I am quite well. So is everyone else.
Blessings from
Bapu
From the Gujarati original. Courtesy: Pyarelal
272
228. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
December 21, 1947
. . So long as saintliness is not of the heart, it is of no
value to me. If saintliness is hypocritical it will destroy itself.
I am not certain how long I shall have to be here. I must
do or die. And since I am resolved to die I do pray to God
that He may fulfil the wish. All of you too should make the
same prayer.
In Delhi, during day-time, many incidents, small and big,
keep occurring. I have been and continue to be patient beyond
measure. In the end it will be as Rama commands me. Thus
I dance as He pulls the strings. I am in His hands and so I
am experiencing ineffable peace.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 145
229. NOTES
A Worthy Example
Shri Dilkhush Divanji of Karadi fame reports the glorious
death at his post of one of his staunch workers. The late Valji-
bhai was the nephew of Panchakaka, the famous farmer of
Karadi, who took part in the no-tax campaign of BardolF. He
never wavered. He refuses even now to till his land or to pay
the tax. He rightly says that there is no swaraj of his dream
so long as we need the police to guard our homes and the mili-
tary to protect us from ourselves. The deceased left a lucrative
job and purely from a patriotic motive became a weaver. He
proved worthy of his uncle and died in harness. No man can
wish for a nobler death than Valjibhai’s. It is to be wished that
the weavers who were trained by him would multiply themselves.
If India is to come to her own, she needs thousands of weavers
who will weave nothing but hand-spun yarn and expects every
' Omission as in the source
2 From February to August 1928
273
90-18
274
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
man and woman and child above six years to spin good yarn
daily for at least half an hour. Such is Divanji’s dream and
Valjibhai died for its realization.
Stock Grain in Villages
Shri Vaikunth Lallubhai Mehta writes to say that in view of
general decontrol it is imperative that there should be sufficient
grain stocked in the hands, if possible of the village panchayats,
not for profiteering, but as an insurance against scarcity by what-
ever cause induced. His original letter is in Gujarati which I
have reproduced and dealt with in the Gujarati columns.’ Here
has been given the pith of his argument. I have always held that
whatever may be said in favour of cash payment of taxes, its
introduction injured the nation to the extent that the system of
stocking grain in the villages was disturbed. The conservation of
grain in the villages is needed for the reason already mentioned.
The condition always must be that the growers and dealers must
not be greedy or unscrupulous. When this simple honesty becomes
common, the consumer cannot be cheated. There is no question
of high or low prices when a nation’s economics are put on a
sound basis and when all parties have an income commensurate
with the expenditure required for the necessaries of life.
The Gates of Somnath?
Pandit Sundarlal has contributed to the Hindustani columns
an interesting article^ on the reputed gates of Somnath. The
curious must see the original. The main point made by the writer
is that the gates which were taken away to Ghazni were never
brought back as then stated. The gates were a fabrication and
when the fraud was discovered the exhibition of the ‘gates’ never
travelled beyond Agra. Pandit Sundarlal is anxious that by an
oversight the fabrication might not be used in the projected
renovation of the famous temple.
New Delhi, December 22, 1947
Harijan, 28-12-1947
’ Vide the following item.
2 Which appeared in Harijan Sevak, 28-12-1947, under the title
“Somnathka Mandir”
230. MEED EOR STORING GRAIN IN VILLAGES
Shri Vaikunthbhai writes:
Under the present trading system the grain produced in the villages
is being sent out. Therefore in many parts of the country the villages
are left with no stocks of grain. As a result the poor have to face
hardships and there is a steep rise in prices during the monsoon. To
save the poor from such a plight, it is desirable that some grain should
be stocked in villages under the care of the Panch, and only the surplus
should be sent out. With this end in view Shri Achyut Rao Patwar-
dhan and I had prepared a scheme four years ago. Shri Kumarappa
has also acknowledged the need for such a scheme in his plan.
If the scheme meets with your approval, under the present changed
circumstances you may kindly recommend it to the Provincial Govern-
ments and the villagers.
I think the suggestion has something in it. Such stocks are
necessary in the economic conditions of the country. Ever since
the system of collecting revenue in cash was introduced, the stocks
of grain in the villages have diminished. I shall not go into the
merits or demerits of the cash revenue system; but I do believe
the country could have been saved from the present difficult situa-
tion if we had continued to stock grain in the villages. Now that
the controls are being removed no one will suffer any hardship
if the grain is stocked as suggested by Vaikunthbhai and if the
villagers and the traders become honest. If the farmers and the
traders get a fair margin of profit there can be no high prices for
the working class and other people in the cities. What really mat-
ters is that necessaries of life should be within the reach of every
one. There can then be no question of high or low prices.
New Delhi, December 22, 1947
[From Gujarati]
Harijanbandhu, 28-12-1947
275
231. TRIBUTE TO VALJIBHAT
New Delhi,
December 22, 1947
India, indeed the world, has had few dedicated servants like
the late Valjibhai. He has proved the truth of the saying: “As
the tree so the fruit, as the father, so the son.” Panchakaka’s
pledge will remain without parallel. We have not attained true
Swaraj yet. At present it seems quite far away. Why is it that
we have only six or seven weavers as good as Valjibhai ? Can it
be claimed that we have won swaraj with the power of Karadi ?
M. K. Gandhi
From a microfilm of the Gujarati: M. M. U. /XXIII
232. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU
Birla House, New Delhi,
December 22, 1947
DEAR PANDITJI,
Maulana Shaheed and some other Maulanas of Delhi came to Bapu
yesterday and told him that recent happenings in Delhi had well-nigh driven
the local Muslims to desperation. They wanted to be told definitely and
authoritatively as to whether the Government really wanted to keep them
in the Indian Union or would prefer their going away. In the former case
the Government’s declaration of policy would need to be followed by sui-
table action. They suggested a joint meeting with you, the Sardar and the
Maulana Sahib in Bapu’s presence. Bapu has asked me to convey to you
that he would be available for the purpose at any time that may suit you.^
Tours sincerely,
Pyarelal
Sardar Patel’s Correspondence, Vol. IV, p. 410
’ This also appeared in Harijanbandhu, 28-12-1947. Vide also “A Worthy
Example”, under “Notes”, pp. 273-4.
^ The addressee along with Vallabhbhai Patel met Gandhiji on the
evening of December 26.
276
233. LETTER TO DR. BANERJEE
New Delhi,
December 22, 1947
DEAR DR. BANERJEE,
Your letter. Have I not said every [worthy] cause carries
its own blessings? The rest is superfluous.
Tours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
234. LETTER TO V. L. MEHTA
New Delhi,
December 22, 1947
BHAI VAIKUNTH,
I have your letter. I understand about Shamaldas. I am
sending the portion regarding grain to Harijan.^
Blessings from
Bapu
Shri Vaikunth Lallubhai Mehta
Andheri
Bombay
From the Gujarati original: V. L. Mehta Papers. Courtesy: Nehru
Memorial Museum and Library
1 Vide p. 275.
277
235. LETTER TO TASHWANTKUNWARBA^
December 22, 1947
RESPECTED SISTER,
His Highness the Maharaja^ informed me that you were ill
and bed-ridden. I was grieved to hear it. May God give you
peace of mind. Keep repeating Ramanama. I believe it to be
an unfailing remedy.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 7745
236. LETTER TO KANU GANDHI
December 22, 1947
CHI. KANAM^,
I see from your letters that you are not only steadily im-
proving your handwriting but are also becoming mature in your
thinking. Continue to grow in wisdom in the same way as you
grow in age.
Blessings from
Bapu
From the Gujarati original: C. W. 9524. Courtesy: Kanu Gandhi
’ Rajmata of Kishangarh, who was suffering from cancer
^ Of Bhavnagar, addressee’s nephew, who carried this letter to the ad-
dressee
^ Son of Ramdas Gandhi
278
237. LETTER TO BACHU
New Delhi,
December 22, 1947
CHI. BACHU,
Of course I don’t have time but since it is a Monday' I
am writing this much. If you have appendicitis there is no cause
for worry. You will soon be all right after an operation. Don’t
be afraid. Stop writing with a lead pencil, for the writing fades
out. I hope Kumi^ is all right. If Manu^ has returned tell
her that I got her letter. It did not call for an answer. I hope
she has come back recovered. I am sure Baby is enjoying her-
self. Has she made any progress in reading?
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
238. LETTER TO RAMDAS GANDHI
New Delhi,
December 22, 1947
chi. RAMDAS,
Your letter. Someone did mention to me that you were
coming. I forget who it was. I was glad that we were going to
meet. But it is perfectly all right that you stayed back. What
needs to be considered is whether you can rest while you are
there.
It is true that I crushed my finger. I had a sharp shooting
pain which gave me a reeling sensation. It was nothing to worry
about. In fact I had gone to a meeting'*. The pain subsided in
a minute or two and I addressed the meeting. When I got out
of the car Brijkishan slammed the door without looking around
and my finger which happened to be there got crushed. I am
no doubt careful but even a careful person does meet with such
* Gandhiji usually observed silence on Monday.
^ Kumi Adalaja, Harilal Gandhi’s wife’s sister
^ Daughter of Harilal Gandhi, married to Surendra Mashruwala
'* Of the Constructive Works Committee on December 1 1
279
280
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
accidents. Sumi^ has come here, along with another girl and a
boy. It is about Radhakrishna. Hope all of you are well.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
239. LETTER TO SHARDA H. KOTAK
December 22, 1947
CHI. SHARDA,
I have two letters from you, one written with a lead pencil.
One should not write with a lead pencil. Luckily Dada^ is here
and this will go with him. Do as he says. I shall have a talk
with him in detail. Everything yours is there. Write to me
from time to time. No one else need be consulted.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
240. NOTE TO MANU GANDHI
December 22, 1947
What you say is also worth considering.^ You should tell
Panditji'*. But I see no harm in it. Even as it is what is my
word worth now? And what is it to me whether my word has
any worth left or not? I am certainly going to say whatever I
think is true. I do not find any merit in the belief that a man
can judge another man. Only the Almighty can judge us. All
will be well with us if we are faithful to Him and fear Him.
Instead of bothering about what would please men we should con-
cern ourselves with what would please God. Only then will our
path become easy.
Is it not enough if, instead of worrying about other people’s
affairs, you and I can do this ? See, how badly you have caught
' Sumitra, addressee’s daughter
^ Lakshmidas Asar
^ Manu Gandhi had remarked that frequent reference to the same
subject by Gandhiji, Sundarlal and others would only irritate people and
such utterances would become ineffective.
^ Sundarlal
LETTER TO KUNDANLAL FIRODIA
281
a cold. You had fever last night. You must take hot water. It
does not matter if you cannot do anything else but if you learn
to fulfil the duty towards the body you can do much work for
me. Your heart and mind are sound, but your hands and feet
are weak. See what pass India has come to because of lack of
co-operation and how I am shouting for harmony. You should
learn from it that however strong your heart and mind may be, if
there is no strength in your hands and feet your progress will stop.
And are you going to let me down?
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 153-4
241. LETTER TO KUNDANLAL EIRODIA
New Delhi,
December 22, 1947
BROTHER FIRODIA,
Why did you write to me in English?
I understand about Visapur. It will be desirable if we know
the names and addresses of girls. It is good that you have in-
formed me.
Blessings from
Bapu
Shri Kundanlal Firodia
Dodkokere
Sikar
Ahmednagar
Bombay Province
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 7917
242. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING^
New Delhi,
December 22, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
Some eight or ten miles from here, at Mehrauli, there is a
shrine of Qutubuddin Bakhtiyar Chisti. Esteemed as second only to
the shrine at Ajmer, it is visited every year not only by Muslims
but by thousands of non-Muslims too. Last September this shrine
was subjected to the wrath of Hindu mobs. The Muslims living
in the vicinity of the shrine for the last 800 years had to leave
their homes. I mention this sad episode to tell you that, though
Muslims love the shrine, today no Muslim can be found any-
where near it. It is the duty of the Hindus, Sikhs, the officials
and the Government to open the shrine again and wash off this
stain on us. The same applies to other shrines and religious places
of Muslims in and around Delhi. The time has come when both
India and Pakistan must unequivocally declare to the majorities
in each country that they will not tolerate desecration of religious
places, be they small or big. They should also undertake to
repair the places damaged during riots.
Muslims have asked me whether, in view of the decision of
the Muslim League in Karachi^, members of the Muslim League
should take part in the Conference called by Maulana Azad in
Lucknow^ and also whether Muslims might participate in the
Conference of the Muslim League in Madras, and in any case
what should be the course to be adopted by the members of the
Muslim League in India. I have not the least doubt that if
they receive a personal or public invitation they should attend the
Conferences in Lucknow and Madras. They should fearlessly and
openly declare their views at these meetings. If they have learnt
’ As Gandhiji was observing silence, this was read out at the meeting.
2 The Council of the All-India Muslim League had passed a resolution
in Karachi on December 15, bifurcating the Muslim League into two bodies
— one for Pakistan and the other for India.
^ The Indian Union Muslims’ Conference was scheduled to be held in
Lucknow on December 27 and 28 under the presidentship of Abul Kalam
Azad. Members of the Provincial Assemblies, the Constituent Assembly and
various Muslim organizations had been invited to attend it.
282
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
283
anything from the 30 years of non-violent struggle they should not
worry that they are in a minority in the Indian Union and that
the majority in Pakistan can be of no help to them. It does
not need belief in non-violence to see that a minority however
small it may be has no reason to feel afraid for its honour and
for the things it holds dear. If man could but know his Maker
and realize that he himself is a reflection of that Maker, no
power on earth can take away his self-respect. No one can take
away my self-respect; I can only lose it. During my struggle
against the mighty Government of the Transvaal, a dear English
friend of mine in Johannesburg used to tell me, “I always like
to be with a minority, for a minority as a rule does not commit
mistakes, and even if it does it can be rectified. But a majority is
drunk with power and it is difficult to reform it.” If by majority
the friend also meant one-sided armed might he was right. We
know from bitter experience how a handful of Englishmen had
transformed themselves into a majority through force of arms and
how they dominated the whole of India. India lacked arms
and, even if the arms had been there, we did not know how to
use them. It is a matter of regret that Hindus and Sikhs have
not learnt a lesson from the British rule in our country. The
Muslims of the Union suffered from false pride in their majority
in the East and the West. Today they are rid of that burden.
If they now see the virtues of being a minority they will show
the beauties of Islam in their own way. They must remember
that the best days of Islam were the days of the Prophet Moham-
med’s minority in Mecca. Christianity began to decline after
the time of Constantine’. I do not want to prolong the argu-
ment here. My advice emanates from my faith and if Muslim
friends do not have this faith they are free to reject it.
In my view they should all be prepared to join the
Congress. But they must not apply for entry into that body till
they are sure of a hearty welcome and equality of treatment. In
principle there is no question of majority and minority so far as
the Congress is concerned. The Congress follows no religion unless
it be a religion of humanity. It treats men and women alike.
It is a purely political body in which Sikhs, Hindus, Muslims,
Christians, Parsees and Jews are all equal. The Congress has not
always been able to practise what it preached. This sometimes
created an impression among the Muslims that it was a caste
’ Emperor of Rome (306 A. D. to 337 A. D.) who made Christianity the
State religion
284
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Hindu organization. In any case as long as this kind of tug of
war goes on Muslims should keep away with dignity. When the
Congress wants their services they should come into the Congress.
Till then they can be servants of the Congress as I am a servant
of the Congress. Although I am not a four-anna member of the
Congress I have a voice in that organization, and that is because
ever since 1915 when I returned from South Africa I have been
loyally serving the Congress. If every Muslim similarly serves the
Congress he will find that his services are similarly appreciated.
Today every Muslim is considered a supporter of the League
and therefore an enemy of the Congress. This has been the
unfortunate result of the teachings of the League. Today there
is no cause left any more for enmity. Four months are a very
short time for getting rid of the poison of communalism. It is
the misfortune of India that Hindus and Sikhs took this poison
to be nectar and made themselves the enemies of the Muslim
League. In returning brickbat for brickbat they brought a
stain to their name and put themselves in the same category as
Muslims. I appeal to the Muslim minority to raise themselves
above this poisonous atmosphere, to remove the suspicion that
had been created concerning them and to show that they could
live in India as her honourable citizens without any deceit and
dissimulation.
One consequence of partition is that the League cannot
continue as a political organization. The Hindu Mahasabha, the
Sikh Sabha and the Parsee Sabha similarly cannot continue as
political bodies. They may well stay as religious bodies. Their
task then will be internal reform of society, to search for things of
religious value and to act on them. Then the atmosphere will
become free of poison and these organizations will rival each other
in doing good. They will have amity for each other and they will
help the Government. Their political ambitions can be realized
through the Congress alone whether they are in the Congress or
not. If the Congress thinks only of those who are in the Congress
it will become very narrow in its sphere of service. Even today
there are very few people in the Congress. If no other organiza-
tion can rival the Congress it is because the Congress has been
trying to represent the whole of India, because it has dedicated
itself to the service of the poorest and the lowliest.
[From Hindi]
Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 229-32
243. LETTER TO SHARD A G. CHOKHAWALA
December 23, 1947
CHI. BABUDI,
I have read your postcard. Why need we discuss today
what may happen after twenty-five days? I understand your
impatience. If nothing happens in those days, I will agree with
your view. If you are to die, I should like to see you die with
your head in my lap. I see no possibility just now of such a
thing happening. But how can you die before I do? The very
thought is unbearable to me. You should, therefore, resolve to
live and make up your mind that, after leaving the sick-bed,
you will give yourself up to the service of the country. God will,
then, keep you alive if He needs your services; otherwise He
will take you away. Where is the cause for worry in this?
Won’t you do this?
Blessings from
Bapu
From the Gujarati original: C. W. 10081. Courtesy: Sharda G. Chokha-
wala
244. LETTER TO NARAHARI D. PARIKH
December 23, 1947
CHI. NARAHARI,
I was very happy to see your handwriting. I cannot bear
the thought of your being bed-ridden.^ But now that you are,
do not be in a hurry to leave the bed. The man who survives
a crisis will win his heart’s desire, as the saying is. Here you
should substitute the phrase ‘healthy man’ for “the man who
survives a crisis”.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 9148
1 Vide p. 230.
285
245. LETTER TO VANAMALA PARIKH
December 23, 1947
CHI. VANUDI,
I got your letter.
All the symptoms you describe are to be observed in a case
of stroke. With proper care and the right diet, the patient does
recover. I believe that massage done by a masseur cannot
benefit as much as massage done by you can, that is, massage
done with the love and strength you possess. You do have
strength, don’t you? Such massage does not require much
physical strength. It requires only some skill. Haven’t you had
experience of Dinshaw’s method of massaging?
For motions, you may convey my view to the doctor that
there will be no harm in administering a full enema when the
bowels begin to move. I hope Mani is cheerful.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 5799. Also C. W. 3022. Courtesy:
Vanamala Desai
246. LETTER TO AMRITLAL T. NANAVATI
December 23, 1947
CHI. AMRITLAL^,
Why need you worry whether or not I give my blessings?
Have I the experience which you have? Even if I disapprove,
you should do what you believe to be a good thing, and even
with my approval you should never do what you believe to be
wrong. This is what I feel. The question of my blessings, there-
fore, does not arise. You may unhesitatingly do what seems right
to you.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 10817
' Secretary, Hindustani Prachar Sabha, Wardha
286
247. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
December 23, 1947
I am stuck here for now. I have no doubt that the needful
should be done about the village industries. It is our misfortune,
however, that I see no concerted effort in any undertaking. Of
course one cannot complain if there is no unity; but what can be
more painful than that such disunity should engender personal
animosities? I am at the moment passing through a situation
which cannot even be dreamt of. All the same I do not worry.
My only prayer to God in the present situation is “one step is
enough for me”. God will keep me as long as He needs me.
Why need I worry about it? Well, Suhrawardy is sitting opposite
me, so only this much for today.
Blessings to Chi. .. .hShe will be well.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 160
248. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
December 23, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
A friend suggests that since it is getting cold we should
begin our prayer half an hour earlier, that is, at 5 p. m. I admit
it is getting to be pretty cold. Though the days will be getting
longer minute by minute from now on, for today it is already
the 23rd of December, still if all of you so wish we can begin
the prayer at 5 p. m. from tomorrow.^ Today I shall deal with
three points.
* Omission as in the source
^ Gandhiji asked those who wanted the prayers to be held earlier to
raise their hands. A large number of them raised their hands. It was, there-
fore, decided to hold the prayers at 5 p. m.
287
288
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Here is the first. You saw that yesterday people* arrived
here from Bahawalpur. They are in great distress.^ They say
that all the Hindus and Sikhs there should be brought here for
their lives are in danger. Today two friends from Bahawalpur
came to see me. They said that if no steps were taken in this
respect they would go and fast in front of the Governor-General’s
house. I told them that their fasting could neither bring here the
Hindus and Sikhs left behind nor ensure their safety. That besides
the Governor-General had no power except such as he derived
from his Gabinet. He merely affixed his signature. If they thought
that fasting before the residence of Pandit Nehru or the Sardar
would do any good they were equally mistaken. They saw the
point and gave up the idea of fasting. Yesterday I was observing
silence and so could not say anything. The Nawab of Bahawalpur
should permit all the Hindus and Sikhs to go wherever they
want to. If he does not he will be failing in his duty. I can-
not relate to you the things that have happened there under
the very nose of the Nawab. A large number of Hindus and
Sikhs were tortured and killed. It is the Sikhs who built Bahawal-
pur. They are a brave people. They can fight and cultivate
land. They have been cultivating the land there; so have the
Hindus. They have committed no crime. Their only crime is
that they are Hindus or Sikhs. A large number of these innocent
people were murdered and some ran away. When Hindus and
Sikhs cannot live there in peace, what is the worth of anything
that the Nawab may say? I appeal to the Nawab that he should
do his duty. If Hindus and Sikhs cannot live there in honour
he should arrange for them to leave or he should declare that
none of the Hindus and Sikhs still in Bahawalpur will be touched
and that they can continue to live in Bahawalpur in peace. If
they are starving, food should be made available to them.
According to a report in today’s Statesman about the refugee
camps in Lahore, the Muslims in the camps are living in in-
sanitary conditions. Epidemics like cholera and smallpox have
broken out and even those who have escaped them are dying of
cold and exposure. How can people live under the open sky in
* Who carried placards reading “Save the 70,000 Hindus and Sikhs of
Bahawalpur’’
^ In the State of Bahawalpur, which had acceded to Pakistan on Novem-
ber 8, seventy thousand Hindus and Sikhs were awaiting evacuation. It was
reported that the Pakistan authorities were not agreeing to their evacuation
through the Military Evacuation Organization. The Hindus and Sikhs con-
centrated in camps were without adequate food or clothing.
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
289
this cold? They need shelter and clothes and food. If these
three things are not available they must face death. I do not know
all that is happening there. Yes, scavengers have been brought
over from Sialkot who will clean the camps and remove night-
soil. The officials say that they are not doing enough work. It
is clear that the people there are in distress. What does it mat-
ter that they are in Pakistan? Why should human beings be so
degraded? It pains me. Those people who ran away from here
to escape our excesses were deprived of their hearths and homes.
They are not familiar with the surroundings there and they
have to suffer hardships. But why can’t they keep themselves
clean? I should advise all the refugees, be they in India or in
Pakistan, that they should not be dependent on others for every-
thing. They should not ask for help to cook for them or to
remove their night-soil. People who were being uprooted from
their homes are in no position to make such demands. It’s a
privilege of the rich. They may employ ten when one is enough,
but not we. These are the symptoms of our degradation. The
refugees in the camps in Lahore should firmly and courageously
declare that they will not have scavengers from Sialkot, that
they will themselves do the cleaning of their camps. The Pakis-
tan Government and the officials concerned should also make
it clear to the refugees that they will not have scavengers
brought from Sialkot. They should at least do what every hu-
man being can do. And if even then there are deaths, that will
be a different matter. I have said it before, and I say it again,
that the refugees should conduct themselves with decency. They
should do all that they can do and not become a burden on
others.
And here is something good that I want to tell you. I
told you once that Pyarelal had come here. You know who
Pyarelal is. He is my Secretary. He had been working in Noa-
khali for a long time. There were others with him too. At the
risk of their lives they gave support and courage to the Hin-
dus who felt insecure there. The Muslims too very soon under-
stood that they were their friends and servants and had gone
there not to promote violence but to promote amity between
the two communities.
Pyarelal has some interesting news from Noakhali: A tem-
ple had been demolished and occupied by Muslims. It became
a cause of strife. Later when the Muslims expressed their desire
to live in amity with the Hindus, Pyarelal pointed out that
the Hindus no longer had the temple where they could go and
90-19
290
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
worship. The Muslims thereupon rebuilt the temple with
their own labour and assured the Hindus that they were free
to go to the temple and offer worship. Now they are all happy.
The officials too co-operated. If everyone in India and Pakistan
acted in this spirit the faces of the two countries would change.
If we stick to our own religion and refrain from interfering with
another’s, it will be a great thing.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 236-8
249. LETTER TO ANAND T. HINGORANI
New Delhi,
December 24, 1947
CHI. ANAND,
I have your letter. I write this while drinking my hot water.
It is 5 a. m.
You seem to be much troubled by your ear. If that is so,
go to America and see what can be done about it. If you can
appreciate the blessing of not hearing, then there is no need to
go anywhere. What you need to know you can know with
Gangi’s* assistance.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a microfilm of the Hindi. Courtesy: National Archives of India and
Anand T. Hingorani
Addressee’s wife
250. LETTER TO GANGI A. HIMGORANI
New Delhi,
December 24, 1947
CHI. GANGI,
I have your letter. I am writing this with great difficulty,
otherwise I would have to let your letter go unanswered.
There are no facilities for your staying with me in Delhi.
I am myself staying at the house of a rich man. It is diffi-
cult to keep anyone with me here. If I set up an ashram
anywhere and stay there you can come. But such an opportu-
nity is impossible in this life. Consider also that it is not your
duty to leave Anand and go elsewhere. I feel that as long as
Anand finds his deafness an affliction, you cannot leave him.
Also Anand cannot move about by himself. What can you learn
by staying with me? I consider it wrong for people to ima-
gine that they gain anything by staying with me.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a microfilm of the Hindi. Courtesy: National Archives of India
and Anand T. Hingorani
251. LETTER TO DILKHUSH DIWANJI
New Delhi,
December 24, 1947
CHI. DIWANJI,
I got your letter in reply to my question. I am glad.
Although the sizing is done with good speed it must stiff be
taking up a lot of time. I understand doubling takes much
less time and greatly facilitates the process of weaving. Please
think over this.
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
291
252. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
December 24, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
I often receive Sikh visitors. I also read newspapers some-
times. They say that I have proved an enemy of the Sikhs.
They would not have minded it much but for the fact that
my word seemed to carry weight with the world outside India
where it is believed that India has secured its freedom through
non-violent means. This had never happened before anywhere
in the world. But a tree is known by its fruit, and by no other
means. For man is not God, man can know a thing from its
results. The fruit of independence has been that today Hindus,
Muslims and Sikhs have become one another’s enemies.
As I have admitted earlier I had been under the delusion
that our struggle was truly non-violent. God had rendered me
blind and I was misled. Because the lame, the crippled, the
coward cannot be non-violent. Lame, crippled and dumb I do
not mean literally, for God helps these and they are always
non-violent. Even a child can stand before the world on the
strength of non-violence. Prahlad was an instance. We do not
know whether Prahlad was a historical character. To me he was
more than a historical character, for I believe in the story.
Prahlad’s father* commanded him not to utter the name of God.
But Prahlad insisted that he would continue to utter the name
of God. The image of 12-year-old Prahlad remains before my
eyes. Therefore I say that those who are lame and crippled at
heart can never be truly non-violent. So long as the light does
not shine in the heart no one can understand the beauty of
non-violence. What we offered during the struggle was passive
resistance which simply meant that we would not kill the Bri-
tish though in our hearts we wanted to kill them. But we had
not the power. When the millions took up passive resistance it
did bring about our freedom. The freedom we have obtained
is crippled freedom. It is only partial. I therefore laugh when
I see our Sikh brethren getting angry. In my eyes there is no
* Hiranyakashipu, the Demon-king
292
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
293
difference between the Hindus and the Sikhs. I have read the
Grantksakeb. A friend chides me for not knowing anything
about the Granthsaheb. He says I cannot understand the Sikhs
and that if I did, I would not have written what I wrote about
Guru Govind Singh. That was many years ago and the mis-
take was not mine. But he still says so because he is a friend.
If I say that the Sikhs are taking to drinking and gambling it
does not mean that it applies to all or only to Sikhs. Hindus
too are a prey to these evils but Hindus do not have the
strength that the Sikhs have. The Sikhs should not use that
strength indiscriminately. They may wield the sword but only
where they must. Their sword should not fall where it ought
not to fall. I am a true friend of the Sikhs when I say that
anyone who commits crimes or is guilty of bad conduct sins
before God. He degrades his religion.
Today is the 24th. Tomorrow is Christmas. Christmas is to
Christians what Diwali is to us. Really neither Diwali nor Christmas
is an occasion when we should indulge in revelry and lose our
heads. I do not regard Christmas as an occasion for people to
indulge in drunkenness. Christmas reminds one of Jesus Christ.
I offer greetings to the Christians in India and abroad. May
the New Year bring them prosperity and happiness. It has never
been my wish that the freedom of India should mean the ruin
of the Christians here or that they should become Hindus or
Muslims or Sikhs. For a Christian to become a Hindu or a
Muslim is a fate worse than death. According to my view a
Christian should become a better Christian, a Muslim a better
Muslim and a Sikh a better Sikh. I want that all the Christians
in and outside India should become free in the true sense.
Let them exercise self-restraint and pursue the path of sacrifice
and martyrdom shown by Jesus Christ. Let them be free and
increase the area of freedom in the world. I see from the papers
that the Government proposes to stop the grants made to them.
The money they receive from America and England will also stop
coming. It is feared that 75% of the churches in India will
have to be closed down. But a religion does not prosper with
the help of money. Most Christians in India are poor people.
What does it matter if the Government help should stop? They
should be glad that they will now be free of the curse of pecu-
niary assistance. Once a lot of money and presents came into
the house of Hazarat Omar. This worried Omar and he told
his wife that with all that wealth he was no longer certain if
he would be able to retain his self-control and would not take
294 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
to pleasure. A church does not need a building. The human
body is the real church. It is there that God dwells. Then
we have the sky for the roof and the earth for the floor. We
can utter God’s name anywhere. I shall therefore say that the
Ghristians need not feel worried. They do not really need assist-
ance from the Government or anyone. They should follow the
teachings of their religion. If they but persevere in the path of
sacrifice shown by Christ, no one can take their religion away
from them.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 236-8
253. LETTER TO HAMID-UD-DIN
New Delhi,
December 25, 1947
BHAI HAMID-UD-DIN,
I got your letter about Barwani. I have been doing what
I can ever since the first telegram came. The local Muslims
have some staunch Hindus for their friends. I am also in cor-
respondence with them. They are working hard. Isn’t there
exaggeration in what you write? It happened in the case of
Junagadh. My informants were well-placed Muslims. They had
exaggerated matters to such an extent that at last they had
to publicly issue a correction and apologize. I am not bothered
about it but at present such exaggeration gives rise to dislike
of all Muslims. And this hurts me very much. I am therefore
sounding a note of caution to you. After all the Government
officers have also taken some steps.
Please let me have whatever authoritative information you
have.
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
254. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
December 25, 1947
No one can harm a person who is sustained by Ramanama.
I believe in this principle and so I have no physical illness.
It is by the grace of God that I am able to remain calm even
though there is conflagration all around. Had it not been for this
I would have broken down by now. That is why I proclaim
at the top of my voice that I dance as Rama wills. We are
in this world to do our duty. I believe that not a leaf moves
without His command. And look at the pride of man; he believes
he does everything. But God is magnanimous and only laughs
at this abysmal ignorance. Now you will all understand where
I am. You must all be well. What I write in Harijan shows
me as I am. I am very clear about the language. In the same
way I am clear about the political questions. Let us see what
God wills me to do.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 165-6
255. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
December 25, 1947
Slackness in khadi work will not do. We should understand
that the more we slacken the more we shall fall behind. This
fragile thread has had behind it sixty long years of work. It still
remains unbroken and thanks to it we have reached our present
position. Even now I am convinced that if only we had plied
the wheel more vigourously, the thread would not have broken
even as slightly as it has. If we do not want to preserve what
we have gained, then certainly we may let the thread snap.
Fragile as this thread is, it has the strength to bind not only
India but the whole world. My purpose in labouring the point
is simply this; If India is to live and live well there is no alter-
native to the constructive programme. Otherwise your fall will
be quick, remember this.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 165-6
295
256. LETTER TO KRISHNADAS
New Delhi,
December 25, 1947
CHI. KRISHNADAS,
I have your letter of December 20. Khadi Pratishthan certainly
becomes uncertified. To ask for money immediately does not
seem to be proper. I do not consider it right now to insert a
condition which is not there in the written agreement. I do
not remember now if I had said anything. If I did, surely my
signature would be there.
I find a great difference between dealers in uncertified
khadi and Khadi Pratishthan. Khadi Pratishthan was born for
khadi and will die for it. Other dealers carry on their business
for the sake of business. They also practise dishonesty. Even so
I shall send your letter on to Khadi Pratishthan and ask them.^
Are those who deal with the Hindustani correspondence there
fully familiar with Hindustani? In your letter fsiiTqsV are two
words but I have seen the expression used only as one word.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 2739
257. LETTER TO HEMPRABHA DAS GUPTA
New Delhi,
December 25, 1947
CHI. HEMPRABHA^,
Herewith Krishnadas’s letter. Please let me know about
the matter. I feel that as the rules of the Sangh'* stand Khadi
Pratishthan is an uncertified body. I enclose a copy of the
letter I have written to Krishnadas. I hope Babua is well and
* Vide the following item.
2 Written agreement, correspondence
^ Wife of Satis Chandra Das Gupta
^ All India Spinners’ Association
296
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING 297
Didimoni too. Arun’ should become perfectly fit. If he believes
in nature cure, he may consult Kulranjan.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 2740
258. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
December 25, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
You all know something of what is happening in Kashmir.
But I want to draw your attention to a proposal about Kashmir.
It is being said and also reported in the newspapers that we
should invite someone to arbitrate between the Indian Union
and Pakistan in the dispute over Kashmir. How can this be?
How long can this kind of thing go on? Instead of resulting in
a settlement of the dispute, this will merely introduce into it
a third party. Can we not settle the issue between ourselves?
There is a large preponderance of Muslims in Kashmir. Maybe
they are more than 95% . Jammu does not have very many
Muslims. I do not know what is the percentage of Muslims in
the population but Jammu and Kashmir is one State. It cannot
be partitioned. If we start the process of partitioning, where
is it going to end? It is enough and more than enough that
India has been partitioned into two. If we partition Kashmir,
why not other States?
What is the nature of the dispute in Kashmir? It is said
that the raiders are outsiders. They are aggressors and plunder-
ers. But as time passes it looks as if it was not so. I get some
Urdu newspapers. I can read Urdu a little myself and others
also read them out to me. Today some bits from the ^amindar
were read out to me. I know the editor^ of the Zemindar. He
has an unbridled tongue. He has issued an open invitation to all
Muslims to muster for an assault on Kashmir. He has heaped
abuse on the Dogras and the Sikhs. He calls the raid in Kashmir
a jihad^. But there is always restraint about a jihad. There is
nothing of the kind here. Do they want that Hindus, Sikhs and
Muslims should perpetually remain divided? What is our duty if
^ Addressee’s son
^ Maulana Zafar Ali Khan
^ Crusade or war waged for a holy cause
298
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Muslims Start cutting up the Hindus and Sikhs? As I have been
telling you every day Hindus and Sikhs must not retaliate.
The simple fact is that Pakistan has invaded Kashmir.
Units of the Indian army have gone to Kashmir but not to in-
vade Kashmir. They have been sent on the express invitation
of the Maharaja and Sheikh Abdullah. Sheikh Abdullah is the
real Maharaja of Kashmir. Muslims in their thousands are de-
voted to him. He is called the Lion of Kashmir.
One should always admit one’s mistakes. The Hindus and
Sikhs of Jammu or those who had gone there from outside killed
Muslims there. The Maharaja of Kashmir is responsible for the
happenings in his State. It was not Sheikh Abdullah who was
behind these murders. He in fact went to Jammu and tried to
reason with the Hindus and Sikhs. He tried to save the lives of
Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs. The Maharaja of Kashmir is a Dogra
Rajput. Abuses have been heaped on him. If he has been at fault
he can be removed. One can understand that. But what have the
Muslims of Kashmir done? Why is jihad being carried on against
them?
I want to say to the Government of Pakistan in all humility
that if their claim to being the greatest Islamic power in the
world is true, they should make sure that every Hindu and every
Sikh in Pakistan is justly treated. They should be protected. But
Pakistan presents a different picture. I shall advise Pakistan and
India to sit together and decide the matter. If the two are in-
terested in the settlement of the dispute, where is the need for
an arbitrator? The Maharaja can step aside and let India and
Pakistan deliberate over the matter. Sheikh Abdullah will of course
be there. If they want an arbitrator they can appoint one from
among themselves, but it should certainly not be a third power.
They may, if they so desire, persuade the Maharaja to step down.
After all he is a human being. A large number of Muslims have
been killed there and Muslim women have been dishonoured. I
met the Maharaja and his Prime Minister. And I told him what
I had to say. The Maharaja should clearly say that he is no longer
the Ruler, it is the Muslims of Kashmir who are the real rulers
and they may do what they like. After the Maharaja and his
Prime Minister withdraw themselves only Sheikh Abdullah remains.
He can form an interim government and restore law and order.
The armies can be withdrawn. If the two countries arrive at a
settlement on these lines it will be good for both. It is not that
India had invaded a Muslim State or had gone there to help
the Maharaja. Our Government is for the people and it is in
LETTER TO G. V. MAVALANKAR
299
the interest of the people that we enter into negotiations with the
Princes. The Congress Government can take no other course.
I saw a couplet in an Urdu magazine today. It hurt me. I
do not remember the words but the substance is this: “Today
Somnath is on the tongue of everyone. If the temple is renovated
it will have to be avenged. A new Ghaznavi must come from
Ghazni to avenge what happened in Junagadh.” It is painful to
think that such a thing can issue from the pen of a Muslim. I
have said that I must do or die; which means that I shall either
bring about Hindu-Muslim amity or lay down my life. This sort
of thing cannot affect my resolve. I cannot return evil for evil.
I can only return good for evil. I tell you all this so that you
may not be taken in by such things. You must not remember the
wrong that Ghaznavi did. Muslims should realize and admit the
wrongs perpetrated under the Islamic rule. The Hindu and Sikh
rulers of Kashmir and Patiala, etc., should also admit the excesses
committed in their States. There is nothing to be ashamed of
in confessing one’s sins, it only lightens one’s guilt. If Muslims
in the Indian Union teach their children that a Ghaznavi must
come to avenge them and destroy the Hindus, who is going to
tolerate this? If this mischievous couplet had not been published
in an important magazine I would not even have mentioned it.^
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 239-41
259. LETTER TO G. V. MAVALANKAR
December 26, 1947
I have had your letter and the report of our conversation^
read out to me just now (at a quarter to five in the morning).
You have taken great pains over the report. I think the subject
did not deserve so much labour. You have, of course, summarized
* The couplet appeared under the title “Mahmud Ghaznavi” in Aligarh
Urdu Magazine published from the Aligarh University. When the attention of
Nawab Mohammad Ismail Khan, the Vice-Chancellor, was drawn to it, he
sent a letter expressing regret for the oversight.
^ The addressee’s endeavour to establish a regional university in Guja-
rat had become a controversial subject. Gandhiji’s article “Navin Vidya-
pitho”, which could admit of the interpretation that he was opposed to the
proposed university in Gujarat, was being quoted against it. The addressee,
therefore, had a frank talk on the subject with Gandhiji on December 1 1 .
For Gandhiji’s article, vide Vol. LXXXIX, pp. 402-5.
300
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
my views quite well.’ I don’t feel at all like adding to or
removing anything from the summary.
I learnt one new fact from you, namely, that Gujarat is
the only linguistic region now left without a regional univer-
sity. I must admit that this fact weakens my case. Even so,
I do wish that this last regional university to be established
would help in the progress of Indian civilization, which means
the civilization of the country’s villages. You may, if you wish,
describe this desire as a form of greed or ignorant attachment
on my part.
I still believe that, if the people loved the country as a
whole rather than their respective regions, we should be able to
bring about the establishment of linguistic provinces in a few
months. You and I should, therefore, prove that your fear^ will
prove groundless and that my dream will be realized. We should
exert ourselves to the utmost to that end. My regret is that
I am not in a position just now to join in such an effort. I
will, therefore, rest content with writing an occasional article
in Harijan on the subject or addressing such a letter to you.
I hope you are keeping good health.
[From Gujarati]
Sansmarano, pp. 205-6
260. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
December 26, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
I am happy and also sorry to announce that we shall not
be having our prayer here tomorrow. Instead I shall be going
to Sambhal, where a village panchayat has been formed. It is
thought that because of my visit a large number of people will
gather there. We shall have the prayer there. I have never
been to that village before. They say the distance is about 11
miles, maybe a mile less or more. We shall of course have our
prayer the day after tomorrow.
’ While Gandhiji accepted the principle of universities being based on
regional languages, he maintained that the linguistic redistribution of prov-
inces should first be accomplished.
^ Namely, that the linguistic redistribution of provinces might take years
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
301
Today I wish to tell you about the Tibbia College. Both
Hindu and Muslim students joined it for studying Ayurveda
which was taught there. Later, courses in Yunani, allopathy and
homoeopathy were added. Hakim Ajmalkhan was the founder
of the college. He was a popular leader of Delhi. Today we
have made ourselves enemies of Muslims. It was not so when
we thought of starting this college where everyone irrespective of
communal considerations could study medicine. All contributed
freely. Among the donors were Hindu Rajas and Muslim Naw-
abs. The late Dr. Ansari worked hard to make the scheme a suc-
cess. It was under the management of a Trust which had on its
board Hindus and Muslims. Today some Hindu friends came
to me and asked what would happen to the college now. They
said it was difficult to continue it under the present circumstances.
Funds had ceased to come. It would be a matter of grief and
shame if such a large institution had to close down. I am trying
my best to avoid this calamity. The college is situated in Karol
Bagh. But Muslim boys fear to go anywhere near it. We have
driven out Muslims from Panipat. It is still a moot question
where they will be able to live. It is a matter of shame for us.
It seems that we are doing our best to ruin ourselves. For,
when we try to ruin others we ruin ourselves. This is the
rule of life.
Another matter I wish to speak about is that of abducted
girls. I spoke on the matter once.^ But I must speak again and
again, for only then will the people understand. It is not a
question of a mere ten or twenty girls. The number could be
in hundreds or even thousands. Nobody knows. Where are all
those girls? Muslims have abducted Hindu and Sikh girls. We
want to recover them. In Lahore some Hindu, Muslim and Sikh
women met and decided to have these abducted girls recovered
and restored to their homes. They decided that Muslim girls
carried away by Hindus and Sikhs should also be returned. I
have received a long list of girls abducted from Patiala. Some of
them come from very well-to-do Muslim families. When they are
recovered it will not be difficult for them to be returned to their
parents. As regards Hindu girls it is still doubtful whether they
will be accepted by their families. This is very bad. If a girl
has lost her parents or husband it is not her fault. And yet
Hindu society does not look upon such a girl with respect any
more. The mistake is ours, not the girl’s. Even if the girl has
^Vide pp. 191-4.
302 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
been forced into marriage by a Muslim, even if she has been
violated, I would still take her back with respect. I do not
want that a single Hindu or Sikh should take up the attitude
that if a girl has been abducted by a Muslim she is no longer
acceptable to society. We should not hate her. We should sym-
pathize with her and take pity on her. If a girl is a Sikh, in
my eyes she remains a Sikh, if a Hindu, she remains a Hindu.
If my daughter has been violated by a rascal and made preg-
nant, must I cast her and her child away? Nor can I take
the position that the child so born is Muslim by faith. Its
faith can only be the faith of the mother who bore it. After the
child grows up he or she will be free to take up any religion.
Today we are in such an unfortunate situation that some girls
say that they do not want to come back, for they know that
if they return they will only face disgrace and humiliation. The
parents will tell them to go away, so will the husbands. I have
suggested that a sort of home should be established for such
girls which should take up the responsibility for their food and
shelter and education, so that they can stand on their own feet.
These girls are innocent. The culprits are those — be they Hin-
dus or Muslims or Sikhs — who have abducted them. Let the
Hindus and Sikhs who have abducted Muslim girls return them.
Let the Muslims who have abducted Hindu and Sikh girls re-
turn them. And let them confess publicly that they are guilty.
The list I have received makes me tremble. What has happened
in Kashmir? A large number of Muslims have been slaughtered.
Women have been slaughtered and young girls have been ab-
ducted. If my voice can reach those guilty of this outrage, I
shall ask them to return all those girls. I am told that several
hundred Hindu and Sikh girls had similarly been carried away.
I am also told that a certain pir^ is holding in his house a large
number of Hindu and Sikh girls. Those who have abducted
them are reported to have said that they do not mean to harm
or dishonour these girls in any way but that they will not return
them so long as the abducted Muslim girls are not returned.
This will be a wicked bargain. We should not act in such a
way. We should behave like decent men. We must return all
the abducted girls without any preconditions. If we want to
retain our freedom we must learn decency of conduct.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 241-3
' A Muslim saint
261. LETTER TO RATHIMDRA MATH TAGORE
New Delhi,
December 27, 1947
DEAR RATHINDRA*,
Just after the morning prayer I see your letter.
I am glad about the notation of Vandemataraml and Jana-
gana?. I suppose you know that though I talk about notations,
my ignorance of the language of notation is deplorable. An igno-
rant man, if he is truthful, can derive joy by proxy.
Of course, wherever I am, Santiniketan is always in my
heart.
Yours,
Bapu
From a photostat: G. N. 2293
262. LETTER TO B. G. KHER
December 27, 1947
BHAI KHER'',
The bearer of this note, Sevakram^, a silent worker of Sind,
possesses qualities worthy of his name. He serves the Harijans.
We have to accommodate all the Harijans from Sind in the
Bombay Presidency. Please do so as far as possible.
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Gourtesy: Pyarelal
' Son of Rabindranath Tagore
^ Vandemataram, a song from Bankimchandra Chatterjee’s novel Anand
Math, one of the most popular patriotic songs during the freedom struggle
^ Jana-gana-mana, a song by Rabindranath Tagore, which was adopted
as the national anthem of India
■'(1888-1957); Ghief Minister, Bombay, 1937-39 and 1946-52; Member,
Gonstituent Assembly; India’s High Commissioner in Britain, 1952-54;
Chairman, Official Language Commission, 1955; Chairman, Gandhi Smarak
Nidhi, 1956-57
^ Literally, ‘Rama in the form of a servant’. The worker later became
Chairman of the Servants of the People Society.
303
263. LETTER TO MANIBEHN PATEL
New Delhi,
December [27],’ 1947
CHI. MANI,
Sevakram who will bring this note is a dedicated servant
of Harijans. All Harijans in Sind should be brought to India
and rehabilitated in the Bombay State, Saurashtra, Kutch,
Gujarat, Udaipur, Jodhpur and other places. The Sardar should
do all he can in the matter.
Shri Manibehn Patel
C/o Sardar Patel
New Delhi
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro—4: Manibehn Patelne, p. 145
264. LETTER TO KHAMDUBHAI DESAI
December 27, 1947
bhai khandubhai.
The bearer of this note, Sevakram, will recount to you the
story of the Harijans of Sind. Try to accommodate as many of
them as you can in the mills. I believe that Sevakram is a
first-class worker. You may make whatever use you wish of
this note.
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
’ In Pyarelal Papers the letter is found among those of this date. The
book, however, has “29”. Vide also the preceding and the following items.
304
265. LETTER TO SURYAKANT
New Delhi,
December 27, 1947
CHI. SURYAKANT,
I have your letter. I can never ask you to give up truth;
never give up obedience to your parents. Go on serving people.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
266. SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
Sambhal,
December 27, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
It gives me special pleasure to hold a prayer meeting in
this village. You should not thank me or give me an address
of welcome or garland me. Prayer is our dharma. We pray
when we get up in the morning. We should pray regularly
morning and evening. In the evening at 5, or earlier in win-
ter, we can have congregational prayer. We must utter God’s
name when we stand or sleep or eat. We must also remem-
ber God when at work. We should not give ourselves to selfish
pursuits. We must pursue the path of service. I have too little
time now to explain to you the whole significance of prayer.
Though, as I have told you, I want no addresses of wel-
come and garlands, still since you have given me these I thank
you for the honour. You speak in your address of the great-
ness of truth and non-violence. But if our conduct is not in
conformity with truth and non-violence, talking of them is
hypocritical. I do not like this. Ever since I came to India
from South Africa I had been travelling all over the country. I
have traversed India many times and seen thousands of vil-
lages. People talk of truth and non-violence but they do not act
accordingly. They think in one way, speak in another and act
in yet another way. It is a matter of shame for us that in
90-20
305
306 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
India Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs should be slaughtering one
another. Mercifully there have been no riots here in and around
your village because the number of Muslims here is small and
they can do no harm. If we want to behave as enemies of one
another, let us at any rate stop talking of ahimsa. Let us be
truthful to this extent. We have not become free in order to
slaughter one another. Freedom means that we should volun-
tarily do what is good. We have become free to do good, not
to do evil. We never pray to God to let us utter falsehoods. If
we do that it would be surrender to Satan.
It is a good thing you have formed a panchayat. But if it
does not function properly and is a panchayat only in name, it
will do no good. In former times there used to be real pancha-
yats in the villages of India. Even I have not seen them. But
travellers from China and Greece have reported about them.
These travellers were not paid by anyone. They were not even
invited. They came on their own undergoing great hardships.
They came in order to gain knowledge. They write that there
were at the time no thefts anywhere in India; there were no
locks on the doors. All this was not what happened thousands of
years ago. Our history does not go back to thousands of years.
Formerly there were four varnas^. Today these have grown
into a large number. It becomes meaningless to call them varnas.
It is a great responsibility you have assumed in forming a
panchayat. The cows yield so little milk that many people say
that they should be slaughtered. Muslims no doubt slaughter
cows. But no one in the world slaughters as many cows as the
Hindus do. Hindus do not treat the cows well. They do not
know how to look after them. This amounts to slowly killing
the cows. It is much better to kill them all at once. We wor-
ship cows and yet treat them most cruelly. I shall say your
panchayat has done something if at the end of the year the
cows that today give three seers of milk give six.
Similarly you should produce twice the present amount of
foodgrain. You can do so by giving to the land the nourish-
ment that it needs. Mirabehn had called a conference which
was attended by a large number of people. They came to the
conclusion that all the cow-dung, human faeces and vegetable-
waste available in villages could be turned into rich manure.
It requires not expenditure but a little labour and it increases
the fertility of the soil.
’ Viz., Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Shudra
MESSAGE TO INDONESIA
307
I do not know how clean you keep your village. But it
is your paramount duty to make yourselves strong. You must
keep yourselves clean externally and internally. Your village
should be free of dirt and dung in every way. And it should be
free from foul smells. You should follow the rules of sanitation.
Why do you need a cinema here? Instead of this, you can
perform the various plays and stage dramas known to us.
The cinema will only make you spend money. Then you will
also learn to gamble and fall into other evil habits. Those ad-
dicted to alcohol, ganja^ and bhang^ should give up these addic-
tions. Then I shall feel that your Panchayat has done some
good work. Then people will come from Delhi to see your vil-
lage. You must forget untouchability. If you will realize that
Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs and Parsis are all brothers you will show
what free India means. May God give you the strength to ac-
complish all this.
Please do not clap your hands. What I have said is a part
of the prayer. I want your blessings and if you do all that I
have told you, you will have given me all I need.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II pp. 243-6
267. MESSAGE TO INDONESIA^
[Before December 28, 1947Y
Success is at your door although the situation does not look
bright at present. India fought for 30 years without sympathy
from outside.
Mahatma Gandhi advised Indonesia to take every opportunity to
establish closer relations with other Asian peoples.
He was also reported to have told an Indonesian Women’s League
delegation attending the All-India Women’s Conference^ in Madras:
Don’t waver. Victory is in sight.
The Hindu, 29-12-1947
* Hemp
2 Hemp flowers
This was given to a correspondent of Merdeka, a daily of the Bata-
via Republic and appeared under the date-line “Batavia, December 28”.
^ Held on December 29
268. LETTER TO VALJI G. DESAI
December 28, 1947
CHI. VALJI,
I went through your articles in the early hours of the morn-
ing. You will be surprised to learn that I did not find even
one of them worth publishing. The article about villages does
not apply to our conditions. A few selected paragraphs from it
may be published. There does not appear to be much in the
one about the fox and the hare. It seems you have not seen
Dacca. The stopping of races there will have no effect in Cal-
cutta. There can be no comparison between Hiroshima and our
conditions in regard to building new houses. You should go
deeper into the subjects on which you write.
Blessings from
Bapu
From the Gujarati original: C. W. 7509. Courtesy: Valji G. Desai
269. LETTER TO SHANTIKUMAR JV. MORARJEE
New Delhi,
December 28, 1947
CHI. SHANTIKUMAR,
I don’t think it necessary to publish your letter after the
reply that Kumarappa^ has given.
I got your letter regarding Mahadev^. It will be published
in Harijan as suggested by you.^
* Reviewing the Government scheme for shipping, J. C. Kumarappa in
his article, “A Rudderless Shipping Programme”, wrote that the scheme was
not well-conceived and lacked proper thought and appreciation of organiza-
tion. He suggested that the question needed to be handled with care, deep
thought and tact, and that the Government should take into confidence the
various interests affected by the industry, while drafting a workable scheme.
^ The Mahadev Desai Memorial Trust. The addressee was one of the
three Trustees nominated by Gandhiji.
^ The article entitled “Mahadev Desai (Bombay) Memorial Trust” ap-
peared in Harijan, 9-5-1948.
308
ADDRESS TO CLOTH MERCHANTS 309
In regard to the two parts about which you have sought
my opinion, it is “yes”.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C. W. 4741. Courtesy: Shantikumar N.
Morarjee
270. ADDRESS TO CLOTH MERCHANTS^
Delhi,
December 28, 1947
BROTHERS,
If you will be quiet you will be able to hear me. I have
come here only for one thing and that is to say a few words
about the controls. I feel that the control imposed on foodgrain
is bad. It cannot do any good to India. Control on cloth
should also go. When ours is a free country, why should we
have controls? Jawaharlal, Sardar Patel and others are the
servants of the people. They cannot do anything against the
wishes of the people. They cannot hold their offices if we ask
them to step down. They themselves are not keen to stay on.
They always say that they want to work for the people and that
they are the servants of the people. It is also true. We fought
the British for thirty-two years and in that we have shown how
true democracy functions. Our strength is not like that of the
British. They could have summoned armed forces from England.
We do not have all that. But our Ministers have greater force
than the armed force. Jawaharlal, Sardar Patel and others have
the might of public opinion at their back which is greater than
the might of an army or a police.
Why was it necessary to impose controls? The controls
became necessary because of the fear of dishonesty and profi-
teering on the part of the traders. Why should a trader get
more for his labour than a labourer gets for his? He should
not take more. If the traders realize this we shall not have the
difficulties which we are facing today in the matter of food and
clothing. If we all refuse to put up with controls, they will
have to go. If you and I are honest these controls cannot
* The meeting convened by the Cloth and Yarn Merchants’ Association
was held at the Hardinge Library in the afternoon.
310
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
remain. But if we are not honest, removal of controls will kill
India. The traders’ associations and mill-owners should meet each
other and remove the suspicion which people have against them
and thus strengthen each other’s hands. The Gita says: “Cherish
the gods thus and let the gods cherish you.”^ The gods are not
to be found up in the sky. Just as our girls are regarded as
goddesses so are we gods. But it is good that no one calls
himself a god. That is man’s humility. We should become and
remain as pure as gods and live happily. Then our poverty,
starvation and nakedness will disappear.
As far as cloth especially is concerned people in the vil-
lages themselves can, indeed must, produce the cloth they require.
When our womenfolk begin spinning the yarn with their own
pure hands, crores of rupees will go into the pockets of our
villagers. We should take up such pure business. I consider
myself a peasant, a Bhangi and a trader. You should learn from
me how to carry on an honest trade. I know how to do busi-
ness. After all I have been a lawyer. Is not legal practice a
kind of trade? Today when I serve others I am pursuing a
trade. Trade does not mean earning money anyhow. If you
want to get the controls removed for the sake of the people and
not for your own, they will certainly go. You have displayed
the slogan that the prosperity and freedom of India lie in decon-
trol. If that is true you have to be very honest and brave in
your business dealings.
I have a letter which says that import of foreign cloth is
on the increase in India. It also says that our cloth is being
exported. In my opinion both these things are wrong. You will
next start saying that you will not marry Indian women but
import women from outside. What kind of trade will that be?
My mother is my mother. Shall I choose for mother another
woman more beautiful than she? In the same way you should
not get beautiful clothes from outside.
These days businessmen import cloth in order to make
money. But why should we import foreign cloth and export
our cloth? We should make do with whatever cloth we produce
here. We may export whatever remains after our need is fulfilled.
You may export mill-cloth but only after we have produced the
required quantity of khadi in the country. Control on cloth
should go but at the same time control on petrol, firewood and
other things should also go.
1 III. 11
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
311
Here you have a sign saying “Beware of the mill-owners’
tricks”. Then you have to beware of the traders’ tricks and my
tricks also. You will have to cut my throat if I deceive you or
if I serve my interest in the name of service. If the mill-owners
or businessmen serve their own interests, then you have to boy-
cott them.
[From Hindi]
Harijan Sevak, 4-1-1948
271. SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
New Delhi,
December 28, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
Today I was at a meeting of cloth merchants', where they
told me that cloth too should be decontrolled as so many other
things had been. I have no doubt that control on cloth should
be lifted. You will see from the papers what happened at the
meeting. One thing the traders told me was that, even without
the control on cloth being lifted, the prices of cloth had begun
to decline. The reason, they say, is that now my voice is raised
for decontrol and the Government listens to me, and hence it is
expected that cloth will soon be decontrolled. This has led to
the hoarded cloth being brought out into the open market and
so the prices have registered a decline. The same was the case
with sugar. People tell me that wherever one goes one sees large
stocks of sugar. It is being sold at one rupee a seer. I am told
that people are even able to bargain and buy it for 15 as. or even
14 as. I am receiving telegrams from all quarters reporting much
relief among people as a consequence of decontrol. Blessings are
showered on me for having brought about decontrol. But it is not
I who should be blessed, but the masses, for it is their voice that
I have taken up. And that is why my voice was heard, otherwise
who would listen to me? My own voice counts for nothing.
I say we should not treat Muslims as enemies. But people
turn away from me. They say I am mad. I must say that if
the masses do not listen to me they will be doing harm to their
dharma. I say nothing improper. Tulsidas says that compassion
is the essence of religion. You may say that Tulsidas was mad
but no other book is as popular in the country as his Ramayana.
It is not only in Bihar or in Delhi where it is popular, it is read
* Vide the preceding item.
312
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
everywhere. I only repeated what Tulsidas said. Why then do
they say that I am mad?
I don’t understand the control over firewood. It is not
something you can eat. If it is freely available, will anyone eat
it or burn it all up? They will burn only as much as is neces-
sary. Why then should there be control over it? I shall not be
satisfied till control on firewood is lifted. Today it has become
so scarce that the poor suffer.
People ask me to press for decontrol of petrol also. I must
say that control over petrol should be lifted and the sooner the
better. We shall only gain thereby. There will be more motor
vehicles on the roads which will only be for the good of the
masses. Of course if there were more trains plying there would
be no need for so much petrol. But laying more railway lines
involves expenditure running into crores. We must make the best
use of what we have. We have for the present all the railways
we need. There are enough roads for going from one place to
another. Only there is no petrol. What we need today is not
rail transport but motor transport. I am sure that if petrol is
decontrolled motor transport will increase. Lifting of controls is
leading everywhere to lowering of prices. No decontrolled article
has shown a rise in price. If this had not been so I would not
be getting all these telegrams. Decontrol of petrol and increase
in road transport will facilitate the movement of food and cloth
in the country. Salt too will be more easily available.
It is the price of salt that needs to be cut down the most.
The tax on salt has been withdrawn, but the price of salt has
increased, which is wrong. We have not learnt to make salt.
We have a vast sea coast and we should have no shortage of
salt. Even a child can make salt out of sea-water. If I bring
a little sea-water from the Bay of Bengal, I can easily convert
it into salt. It is a pity that one has to pay so much for this
commodity and take so much trouble. The reason is that salt is
not being easily transported from where it is manufactured. I
know a mistake has been made in this regard in appointing
contractors to transport salt. They have become dishonest and are
making a lot of money. Others cannot transport salt. This contract
system should be changed and the control over salt should be lifted.
Two things are important, the change in the contract system
and the organization of road transport. That will do for today.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 247-9
272. MATTER WELL PLACED
Compost is matter well placed, whereas rubbish and excreta,
solid and liquid, are matter misplaced when they are allowed to
lie anyhow to the discomfort of the public and detriment to
their health. It is a criminal waste depriving mother earth of
her precious food. Thus says Shrimati Mirabehn in her leaflet
reproduced in full’ in the Harijan, 23-ll-’47, pp. 428-9:
We do not treat our Mother Earth properly. She does her best
to feed us all, but we do not feed her in return. How can she sustain
us, her children, if we do not serve her as dutiful children should serve
a revered mother? Year after year we plough, sow and reap harvests
from the fields, but very rarely do we give any manure to the soil,
and even what we give is usually \i?di-kachcha^ rubbish. Just as we need
well-cooked food, so does the soil need well-prepared manure.
The curious may get a copy of the leaflet from her at the
Kisan Ashram, Rishikesh, near Haridwar.^
New Delhi, December 29, 1947
Harijan, 4-1-1948
273. “DHAH’’ OE DUST
I could have given the heading “Dhan from Dust”. But
I have chosen “Dhan of Dust”.
The process of sifting the grains from dust means obtaining
dhan from dust. Similarly the industrious people of China col-
lect gold dust by washing mud or sand. This too I would call
dhan from dust. This is a transformation of the dust and much
more so of the grains. Normally we use the term dhan for food-
grain. But when we use the word dhan for the grains of gold
in dust, is it not a great transformation? Here dhan means some
useful object whose value can be determined.
But when we say “wealth of dust” it implies a chemical
transformation of dust. For instance, when we convert the dust,
’ Under the title “How to Grow More Food”
^ Imperfect
^ According to a “Note” in Harijan, 8-2-1948, her correct address was:
Ashram Pashulok, Rishikesh, Dehradun, U. P.
313
314
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
that is, earth into grains, we have converted the dust into wealth.
When we sow the seeds in the earth and water them properly,
it produces grain. I would call this creating dhan from dust. Our
language has not become precise because we have neglected it.
Let me now come to the main point. I consider “com-
post” dhan of dust. Compost means the gold-like manure made
from a proper mixture of such matter as cow-dung, faeces, drop-
pings of birds and animals, grass, chaff, refuse, urine, etc. If we
mix such manure with the earth in the field and then sow the
seeds, it will yield at least double the crop and yet the soil will
not lose its fertility.
Mirabehn is working hard in this direction. She has set
up an ashram at Rishikesh. There she expects to carry on the
work which she had begun in Delhi. She has started issuing
small pamphlets on this subject. These pamphlets can be ob-
tained from her. Her pamphlet is published in Urdu. She
writes it in English as she does not have sufficient knowledge of
Hindustani and people working under her render it into Urdu.
New Delhi, December 29, 1947
[From Gujarati]
Harijanbandhu, 4-1-1948
274. “URDU HARIJAJV"
Readers know that two editions of Harijan in identical lan-
guage are brought out every week — one in the Devanagari script
and the other in the Urdu script. One which is printed in the
Urdu script is called the Urdu Harijan. Shri Jivanji writes about
its steadily dwindling circulation.*
I have always been of the opinion that no newspaper should
be published at a loss. People should subscribe to the paper
they want. I do not regard a journal self-supporting which meets
its expenses out of advertisements. I allowed the Urdu edition
to continue at a loss so long only because Harijan on the whole
with all its language editions did not incur any loss. However
there should be a limit to that also. My views on Hindustani
and the two scripts remain unchanged. So for some time the
Urdu edition will come out as usual. In the mean time the
* The letter is not reproduced here. Jivanji Desai had stated that the
circulation of the Urdu Harijan had fallen to 250 copies from 1,800 copies
and that it was running at a loss of Rs. 20,000 per year.
LETTER TO PYARELAL
315
readers of the Gujarati edition and others should decide whe-
ther they would like to have the Urdu edition. If they want
it they should help to enrol subscribers till the circulation
reaches at least two thousand. Along with this they should also
give thought to another point. It will become my duty to
close down the Devanagari Harijan^ also if people show an aver-
sion to the Urdu script and the Urdu edition has to be stopped.
I do not consider it right to bring out Harijan exclusively in the
Devanagari. As a reformer it is my duty to bring out the paper
either in both the scripts or in neither.
Much has been written on why the language is called
“Hindustani” and not “Hindi” and why it should be written in
both the Devanagari and Urdu scripts. I cannot think of any
new arguments. My intention in writing this is to discuss how
the Harijan in the Urdu script may be kept going. I feel con-
fident that my hope will be realized.
New Delhi, December 29, 1947
[From Gujarati]
Harijanbandku, 4-1-1948
275. LETTER TO PTARELAL^
December 29, 1947
CHI. PYARELAL,
Please make the attempt.
Remember this: If you have assimilated my message, as long
as you are free go on teaching the people to protect themselves.
If death comes in the course of your mission of non-violence,
you will embrace it. If they throw you into prison, you may fast
unto death. Those who have this strength may stay on in Noakhali
and face death, undeterred by what may befall the women. One
ought not to run away in fear. Ask me again if you wish.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a facsimile of the Gujarati: Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol.
II, between pp. 496 and 497
* Harijan Sevak
^ The addressee had asked what Gandhiji would expect the workers in
Noakhali to do in the event of a war between the two Dominions and
whether planned evacuation could be arranged for the women from there.
276. LETTER TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL
CHI. VALLABHBHAI,
. . met me only yesterday,
were going to Jammu, nor did
companied you. He also said
perhaps have made suggestions
After meeting Randhawa^
time if I could write direct to
SaRDAR VALLABHBHAI PaTEL
1 Aurangzeb Road
New Delhi
[From Gujarati]
Birla House,
December 29, 1947
He said he did not know you
he know that the Jamsaheb^ ac-
that if he had known, he would
or sent a letter. Is this correct?
I felt that it would save your
him. Would that be in order?
Blessings from
Bapu
Bapuna Patro—2: Sardar Vallabhbhaine, p. 377
277. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
December 29, 1947
. . Religion makes for peace, love and joy in the world.
But man is an animal and possessing an intellect he goes on com-
mitting greater and greater sins. Therefore if we look at it in
the right way science and religion are complementary to each
other.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 193
* Omission as in the source
^ Of Saurashtra
^ Deputy Commissioner of Delhi
^ Omission as in the source
316
278. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
December 29, 1947
Medical science too has been much abused. Doctors and
vaidyas have been exploiting it for fleecing their patients. In
many instances they have even killed their patients. Through
advertisements of drugs making false claims, people are made
to pay at times even with their lives. But only the abuse needs
to be stopped. From this it does not follow that medical
science has been intended as a way of cheating and fleecing
people.
[From Hindi]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^II, p. 193
279. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING^
New Delhi,
December 29, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
Yesterday was the death anniversary of Hakim Ajmal Khan.
Hakim Ajmal Khan belonged to all — Hindus, Muslims, Chris-
tians, Parsis and Jews. He was a devout Muslim. But he served
everyone with equal devotion. The finest memorial to his labours
was the famous Tibbia College and hospital at Delhi. All classes
of students studied unani, ayurvedic and allopathic systems of
medicine there. The communal poison, for which there was no
place in this institution, has forced it to close down. I think
the sole reason for this is that its founder Hakim Ajmal Khan
was a Muslim, however good and however respected. If the
memory of that great patriot cannot bury the communal strife
let it at least give a new life to this college.
I mentioned earlier that it would be good to have our
meetings in the open air under the canopy of the sky. If the
habit grows we will have to make suitable arrangements for the
* As Gandhiji was observing silence, his written speech was read out
after the prayers.
317
318
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
site, etc., accordingly. In towns big and small we will have
to have open space for the purpose. We will have to change
our habits. We will have to learn to be quiet rather than noisy
and we will have to learn to sit in an orderly way. We must
learn also to speak only when we must and at a pitch that is
sufficient for the occasion, neither too high nor too low. We
should respect the right of our neighbour and not come in the
way of others, individually or in groups. We should not inter-
fere with other people’s business. This will require on many
occasions extreme self-restraint. In such an order of things the
dirt and noise we find in the busiest areas of Delhi will no
longer be there and however large the crowds there will be no
pushing and jostling and no confusion. We must not think that
we can never reach that goal. Some group or other will have
to take the initiative and work for this sincerely. Just think how
much saving it will mean in energy and expenditure.
I have been severely reprimanded for what I said concern-
ing Kashmir and its Maharaja'. It seems to me that those who
upbraid me have not really read attentively what I said. The
advice I gave is the kind of advice the humblest man may
give. Occasionally it becomes one’s duty to offer such advice. If
the Maharaja had acted on my advice he would have risen
very high in his own eyes and in the eyes of the world. To-
day his own plight and the plight of his State are not enviable.
Kashmir is a Hindu State, the majority of its people being
Muslims. The raiders called their raids a jihad. They say that the
Muslims of Kashmir are being ground down under the tyranny
of Hindu raj and that they have come for their succour.
The Maharaja has invited Sheikh Abdullah at just the right
time. The task is new for Sheikh Abdullah. But if the Maharaja
thinks the Sheikh can shoulder the burden he should be
encouraged in every way. It seems obvious to me, as it should
seem obvious to others outside, that if Sheikh Abdullah cannot
carry with him the minority as well as the majority, Kashmir
cannot be saved by military might alone. Both the Maharaja
and the Sheikh asked India for armed assistance.
My advice to the Maharaja is that he should be a constitu-
tional sovereign like the King of England and run his government
and use the Dogra army^ according to the advice of Sheikh
Abdullah and his Interim Cabinet. What is there so strange
1 Vide p. 298.
^ The Jammu and Kashmir State Forces
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
319
about this? The terms of the State’s accession to the Union remain
as before. They confer certain rights on the rulers. I have
ventured to advise the Maharaja that he should voluntarily relin-
quish or limit these rights and play his constitutional role as a
Hindu ruler.
If the reports I get are inaccurate they should be put right.
If my views regarding Hinduism and the duties of a Hindu ruler
are erroneous, there is no question of any weight being given to
my advice. If the Sheikh as the Chief of the Emergency Admin-
istration or as a true Muslim is found wanting in doing his duty
he should remove himself from the scene and hand over the reins
of administration to a better man. Today Hinduism and Islam
are being tested on the soil of Kashmir. If the right thing is
done and the right direction given to the process the chief actors
will win fame. It is my prayer that in the present darkness in
the country Kashmir may become the star that provides light.
So much for the Maharaja and Sheikh Saheb. Will not the
Governments of Pakistan and the Union come together and de-
cide the issue with the help of impartial Indians? Is there no
one in India who is impartial? I am sure we have not become
bankrupt to that extent.
A lady from Mathura has sent Rs. 50 by M. O. for buying
blankets for the refugees. She does not disclose her name even to
me. She wants me to acknowledge receipt in my prayer speech.
I accordingly do so.
It is surprising that people of the States whose rulers have
expressed a desire to accede to India are sending me telegrams
full of complaints. If a raja or a jagirdar feels that he cannot
carry on the administration all by himself, who can force him
to keep his State as a separate entity? Those who spend money
on these telegrams would be better advised to save their money.
It seems to me those behind these telegrams have some axe to
grind. They should go to the Home Secretary for advice.
Several Muslims especially in the Post and Telegraph Department
say that they had earlier declared their willingness to stay in the
Union for propaganda purposes and that they now want to change
their option. There are also Muslims who have been dismissed
from service. I think the reason for this can only be that they
are suspected of being anti-Hindu. I sympathize with them. But
I feel that however unjustified the suspicion may be in individual
instances it should be forgiven and they should not give way to
anger. I can only offer my well-tried prescription. Very few
people can get into Government jobs. It should never be one’s
320
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
aim in life to secure a Government job. One’s aim in life should
only be to live honestly. If a man is willing to use his hands
he will always find scope to make an honest living. I think that
if Muslims want to retain their self-respect they should not run
after Government jobs to the extent of going to Pakistan for them.
Power comes from true service. Often power becomes a cause for
one’s downfall. To fight for it is unseemly. At the same time
it is the duty of the Government to create opportunities of em-
ployment for the large number of unemployed men and women.
If the task is handled with skill it can bring benefits to the Govern-
ment instead of being a strain. I assume here that those for
whom work has to be found will be of sound health and will be
willing workers, not shirkers.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 249-53
280. LETTER TO HOSA RASHID^
December 30, 1947
DEAR DAUGHTER^,
You are silly. I would have welcomed your Hindustani
however imperfect it would have been. As it is, I can hardly
decipher your signature. Of this more when we meet. Do come
with your friend and stay with me if you wish and will stand
discomfort.
Amtul Salaam writes to me often enough. I am sending her
your letter. She will be pleased.
Love.
Bapu
Begum Rashid
17 Yashwant Nivas Road
Indore
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
* Widow of Abdul Rashid Khan, brother of Amtussalaam
^ The superscription is in Hindi.
281. LETTER TO MUNNALAL G. SHAH
December 30, 1947
CHI. MUNNALAL,
If you can free yourself from the work there, you may
come over whenever you wish.
Blessings from
Bapu
From the Gujarati original: C. W. 7225. Courtesy: Munnalal G. Shah
282. LETTER TO JIVANJL D. DESAL
December 30, 1947
CHI. JIVANJI,
I am sending very little English material this time. The
Gujarati matter, I feel, is sufficient. I am sending Sundarlal’s
Hindi and English articles. You may, if you wish, break up
both into instalments. If I feel like it, I may send something
more tomorrow.
You will see what I have done in regard to the Urdu [Harijan].^
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 9990. Also C. W. 6964. Cour-
tesy: Jivanji D. Desai
> Vide pp. 314-5.
90-21
321
283. LETTER TO SHARD A G. CHOKHAWALA
December 30, 1947
CHI. BABUDI,
You must not be impatient. Follow Sushila’s' instructions.
Having placed oneself in the hands of a doctor, it is best to do
what he says. Nobody can truly foretell the future. One can do
no more than guess. That being so, persistence in one course is
the best remedy. Do nothing unwillingly or under anybody’s
pressure. Give up all worry.
Blessings from
Bapu
From the Gujarati original: C. W. 10082. Courtesy: Sharda G. Chokhawala
284. LETTER TO CHLMANLAL K SHAH
December 30, 1947
CHI. CHIMANLAL,
I have fixed Rs. 50,000 for the Hindustani Prachar [Sabha].
Hand over the amount to Nanavati^. I expect you know that
he has now been appointed Secretary.
Let us see what happens in Sharda’s case. Sushila who
is going there will take the decision.
In the case of Champa^, I leave [the decision] to you. I
think it is best that she should quit the Ashram. The burden,
however, is to be borne by you. Hence if you find it too heavy,
harden your heart and tell her clearly ‘No’. You may take it
that it is for the good of all that the decision may not be taken
by me.
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
* Dr. Sushila Nayyar
^ Amritlal T. Nanavati, Secretary, Hindustani Prachar Sabha, Wardha
^ Champa R. Mehta
322
285. LETTER TO MORARJI DESAI
December 30, 1947
BHAI MORARJI,
Herewith Balubhai’s letter and a cutting. Please do what
is needed and write to me if you have anything to say. If the
information given in the letter is correct there is some substance
in the complaint.
Isn’t it proper that food control has been lifted if only in
the urban areas? Another letter suggesting this is from Shrilal,
which also I am enclosing.
The third letter is from Boriavi. This is about milk. Please
look into that, too. Please return the letters after you have made
use of them.
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
286. LETTER TO RAMDAS GANDHI
December 30, 1947
CHI. RAMDAS,
This, a casual one. May you all progress in your spirit of
service. That will be as good as doing all [that you should].
And for that too your health must be all right.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
287. LETTER TO HARSHADRAM
December 30, 1947
BHAI HARSHADRAM,
I have both your letters, one to Dr. Mehta, dated the 21st
and another to me, dated the 24th. Bulsaria also writes what
you say. I have not been able to know who among those who
write to me is looking after the work of Vachchharaj. Do you
323
324
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
all work as a team or separately ? You should not work separately.
In the case of voluntary service all the workers should be comrades.
I cannot know from here how much rent you should take from
Vallabhram. That is why I must have used ‘reasonable’ or some
such expression.
I cannot recollect having got a letter earlier.
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
288. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
December 30, 1947
The notion that our own religion alone is true and all
others are false is instilled in children right from their infancy.
So they develop the attitude that what they believe alone is true.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 195
289. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM
December 30, 1947
DAUGHTER AMTUL SALAAM,
You will be glad to read this letter. I have given you per-
mission to come. The Maharaja of Patiala saw me. I told him
about your family. Let us see what happens.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 593
290. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
December 30, 1947
I hold that self-government is not an end, but only a means
to good government. And true democracy is what promotes the
welfare of the people. The test of a good government lies in
the largest good of the people with the minimum of controls.
The test of autocracy, socialism, capitalism, etc., is also people’s
welfare or good government. In themselves they are of no value.
Any system of government can fail if people do not have honesty
and a feeling of brotherhood. There may be work, there may be
men to do the work and tools with which to do it, yet in my
view a system that admits of poverty and unemployment is not
fit to survive even for a day.
How are you all? I myself am quite fit. I have to do or
die here. Manu is ill. She has been having high fever for the
last two days. This girl has learnt much but she neglects her
health. Unless she has high fever she goes on working. She inflicts
much brutality and violence on her body. Doctors suspect
typhoid. We shall see. Even though sick she goes on doing me
acts of service. I have just put her to sleep.
Blessings to all the children.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Hindi]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 196
291. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
December 30, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
I told you yesterday in my written message and I also
mentioned earlier that we should all know our respective places.
We must know when to speak and when to keep silent and how
to conduct ourselves, so that even if millions are there there
should be no disturbance and no feeling of crowding. This is
325
326 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
what happens with armies. They maintain an external discipline.
What happens internally is another matter. We have not had
this kind of training. I have often noticed that, when after the
prayer I rise to go, people want to take a peep at me from all
around and crowd round me. Good manners demand that after
the prayer meeting is over everyone should quietly remove him-
self. Each one should ponder on whatever good things I may
have said and go home.
I have a letter from Bahawalpur. I once spoke about Baha-
walpur to you.' The people there liked what I said. They want
me to mention the matter again and repeat that all the Hindus
and Sikhs who are still there and who want to leave the place
should be allowed to do so. All those who want to come have
not been able to come. There are still a large number of people
there. They want that no obstacle should be placed in their way
and they should not be subjected to any assaults. Whether my
saying anything on the subject will have any effect God alone
knows. But one must make an effort whatever the effectiveness of
one’s effort might be. Of course the Nawab has said that Hindus,
Muslims and Sikhs are equal in his eyes. And he is equally in-
terested in the welfare of all his subjects. When he says so, who
am I to question his motives? Still I can plead with him and
his officials that those Hindus and Sikhs who do not want to stay
there should be allowed to leave. It is his duty to put them on
a train and have them safely escorted to the border. But even if
he cannot do so he can at any rate allow them to leave on their
own, taking away such of their property as they can. It will be
a matter of thankfulness if he can do this much. But I do not
want to limit myself to only making a plea to the Nawab. I want
to tell Qaid-e-Azam Jinnah and his Government that today it
has become impossible for a Hindu or any non-Muslim to live
peaceably in Sind. Those Hindus who are called untouchables are
particularly harassed there and they have no means of livelihood.
They at least should not be subjected to indignities. Those who
are not happy living there should be allowed to leave. If their
conditions of life are made easy even those who have left Sind
will go back there, seeing that Sind has regained its former
state. But at present that is not the case. Even their schools
have been taken over for the use of refugees who have gone
there from Kathiawar. They say that the needs of the refugees
are the first priority. How can Hindus live in Sind under such
' Vide p. 288.
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
327
conditions? It will only mean that Pakistan has become Islam-
istan where no non-Muslim may live or where he can live only
as a slave. I think no one will like to be a slave. This sort of
thing is in no one’s interest. I have many other things to say
and only fifteen minutes to say them.
I had spoken to you about Pandharpur.' There is a temple
there of Lord Vithoba. It is the largest temple in Maharashtra. I
have visited it. I had suggested that it should be opened to
Harijans. Afterwards the trustees of the temple also supported
my demand. When I got the news that the temple had been
opened to the Harijans I had told you of it. Everyone seemed
content and no voice was raised in opposition. Now they say
that a large number of Brahmin priests are unhappy over this
because the temple is visited by many Harijans every day. Some
of the priests seem to have gone on a fast. This has distressed
me. I have received this wire only today, and since I cannot
reach there in any other way I think I should make a mention
of the matter here and maybe my voice will reach Pandharpur.
I want to say in all humility and sincerity that those who have
resorted to the fast and still call themselves priests are really not
priests. They are serving neither themselves nor Hinduism. The
image in the temple is the image of Vithoba, i. e., of Krishna or
Vishnu. It could not be the will of Vishnu that some should
have His glimpse and others may not. In my view as long as
the Harijans were barred from the temple it had not been really
consecrated. Why should these people now fast? A Bill has been
passed concerning Harijans’ entry into temples. Even the law-
makers are Hindus. When millions of Hindus say that the temple
should be opened to Harijans, how can they say that it should
remain closed ? I see no merit in the fast. I think it is sinful and
should be given up. I think the priests should relent and say they
were mistaken and their eyes have now been opened. It cannot
be that in the temple of God one man should be admitted and
another kept out. It is believed that visiting a temple cleanses
the sinner of his sins in the same way as bathing in the Ganga
does. I personally do not support the view that the water from
the Ganga washes away the sins but it is a belief widely held.
And maybe it does good to one who bathes in the Ganga in the
faith that his sins will be washed away. Besides who can say
that Harijans are all sinners? There are among Harijans persons
of great merit as well as sinners.
I Vide Vol. LXXXIX, p. 478.
328
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
A complaint has been sent to me pertaining to Bombay.
It may be true of other places too. The complaint is that very
little rice is supplied to card-holders in Bombay, perhaps half a
seer in a week. This is wholly inadequate and will encourage
black-marketing. I will say that control should go. Some people
argue that rationing has brought much relief to cities. I think
it should be removed from the cities too. If everyone conducts
himself honestly there will be no need for controls.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 254-5
292. TATTASAHEB KELKAR
Friends have more than once asked me why I have not
noticed the death of so great a patriot as Tatyasaheb Kelkar^,
especially because he was a political opponent and more so be-
cause I am much misunderstood among a school of Maha-
rashtrians. These reasons made no appeal to me: the very rea-
sons which according to my critics should have prompted my
notice.
I conceive it to be very unseemly to notice proforma such
a serious event as death. But I must do so now, though it is
late, because of the importunity of one of my oldest friends —
Haribhau Phatak.
I would at once admit that if it was usual for the Harijan
to notice important deaths and births then Tatyasaheb’s death
should be among the first to merit notice. But industrious read-
ers will have noticed that the Harijan has not followed any
such practice. Notice has depended upon my whim of the mo-
ment and leisure. For some time past I have been unable to
read newspapers regularly.
Whatever may be said to the contrary, Tatyasaheb, though
a political opponent, I had always counted as a friend whose
criticism was profitable. I knew and honoured him as the late
Lokamanya’s^ valued follower. It was, I fancy, in 1919 that
’ N. C. Kelkar who died on October 4, 1947
^ Bal Gangadhar Tilak (1856-1920); nationalist leader, scholar and writer;
one of the founders of the Deccan Education Society, Kesari and Mahratta',
was sentenced to six years’ deportation in 1908; launched the Home Rule
Movement along with Annie Besant in 1916; started the Congress Democratic
Party in 1920; author of The Orion, The Arctic Plome of the Vedas and Gitarahasya
LETTER TO VALLABHRAM
329
I pleaded at an A. I. C. C. meeting for a constitution for the
Congress' and said that if the Lokamanya gave me Tatya-
saheb and the Deshbandhu^, Shri [I. B.]^ Sen, I would under-
take to draw up one for submission to the Congress. Be it said
to the credit of both the collaborators that though I submit-
ted my draft to them in time, they never interfered with it.
At the Committee that sat to consider the draft Tatyasaheb
always offered helpful criticism. It was again at my suggestion
that he was invariably appointed a member of the Working
Committee. I do not remember an occasion when his criticism
though sometimes bitter was not constructive. He was fearless
but polite and friendly.
I had early learnt that he was a scholarly writer of Mara-
thi. It has been my regret that I never got the time to learn
Marathi sufficiently to drink deep of the wisdom of the mo-
dern Marathi writers like Tatyasaheb and the late Hari Nara-
yan Apte. It would be churlish on my part to ignore the death
of so great a star like Shri Narasopant Chintaman Kelkar in the
Indian firmament.
New Delhi, December 31, 1947
Harijan, 4-1-1948
293. LETTER TO VALLABHRAM
December 31, 1947
BHAI VALLABHRAM,
I got your letter. Do go to Panchgani again when you
are in a position to do so.
I had tried bhilama‘^ under the supervision of a vaidya of
Poona named Joshi, after my release from jail. He had told me
that it benefited only if it was consumed in the proper man-
ner. Need I tell you this? I wish you to cultivate ideal health
of body and mind.
* In December 1919, at Amritsar the A. I. C. C. had appointed a sub-
committee, consisting of Gandhiji, N. C. Kelkar, I. B. Sen, A. Rangaswami
Iyengar and Vithalbhai Patel to consider the constitution of the Congress.
Vide Vol. XVI, pp. 374 and 463-4.
^ C. R. Das (1870-1925); was elected President of Indian National
Congress at Gaya, 1922, but resigned thereafter and organized Swarajya Party;
Mayor of Calcutta, 1924 and 1925
^ The source has “Nishith”, obviously a slip.
Semicarpus anacardium
330
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
I am not unaware of the chaos at Panchgani. But I find
myself helpless. Things were all right when Vachchharaj was
alive. His brother doesn’t have his capacity. You did well, how-
ever, in drawing my attention. When you go again now, you
may use your loving infiuence and get the necessary reforms
introduced.
I have been convinced for a long time of the truth of what
you say, namely, that if the Indian vaidyas don’t see their dharma
and act accordingly, they have no future.
Blessings from
Bapu
From the Gujarati original: C. W. 2922. Courtesy: Vallabhram
294. LETTER TO SHARD A G. CHOKHAWALA
^December 31, 1947Y
CHI. BABUDI,
I got your letter yesterday. I have already sent one through
Sushila. You are a wise girl and hence I expect you will not
worry on account of your health or anything else. One must
acquire the faith that God will keep one as He wishes. If one
gains this faith there can be no question of weeping either secretly
or openly.
I do get news of your health from some source or other. I
hear that the doctor there who looks after you is a very noble
lady, persevering and efficient. It is all right whether you are
cured under her treatment or you succumb to your illness.
Therefore, so long as the doctor does not wash her hands off
you, you had better stay where you are.
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
The letter is placed in the source among those of this date.
295. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
December 31, 1947
We used to find the struggle against the British a hard task.
But today it seems to me that that fight was a comparatively
simple matter. The struggle today is much more difficult. We
could make a mountain out of a mole-hill during the British
regime. Today we are cutting at our own roots. When duty
calls we run away from it. We cannot establish good government
without purification. We have deserved the present regime because
we have not purified ourselves. This, in my view, is not swaraj.
Swaraj means that under our own government one will live and
let others live a simple life.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 201
296. A LETTER
December 31, 1947
BHAI SHAHEED,
I read in the newspapers that you had fallen ill and there-
fore could not go to Lucknow.* What is this? How are you
now?
Dinshaw and Jehangir Patel came here and have gone back.
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
For the Indian Union Muslims’ Conference
331
297. LETTER TO HOSHIARI
\Decemher 31, 1947y
CHI. HOSHIARI,
I wrote you a letter which you must have received. It
pains me that you are not keeping good health. It is our
duty to be able to face any situation. If we grow like that
there will be no reason for worry. Do come over here if it is
necessary. You must keep Gajaraj there; he ought to remain
there, he should have the strength to live by himself. Perhaps
this is what I have already written.
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
298. LETTER TO BALVAJVTSIJVHA
New^ Delhi,
December 31, 1947
CHI. BALVANTSINHA,
I have your letter. I have already written a letter to you
and along with it to Hoshiari also. You must have got it by
now. It might be good for Hoshiari to come here. So she may
as well come. Gajaraj is to stay on there, I suppose, and he is
now used to living alone. I understand what you say about
Sharda. I take a detached view. It is all right if she passes
away. Well and good if she survives. If she dies she will be
released from pain and have a new body. That is no small matter.
And if she recovers and lives she will render service. Now
Sushila is there for a couple of days; she will discuss everything.
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
^ The letter is placed in the source among those of this date.
332
299. TALK WITH SUBHADRA GUPTA AND OTHERS^
December 31, 1947
How can they (the refugees) have any confidence in you or
respect for you when you go among them like up-to-date eves
decked out in silks? And then you tell them to wear self-spun
khadi and do the cleaning. ... I do not care if only half a dozen
of you go. If there is simplicity, sincerity and purity within and
without, your work will flourish. After doing full justice to your
overloaded breakfast tables in your spacious bungalows you alight
from posh cars dangling your stylish vanity bags, while those you
are supposed to serve cannot even afford the luxury of a bath
for lack of a change of clothes. Do you ever care to think that
you are going to see people who had to leave behind properties
worth thousands ? . . . Social service these days has become a means
for getting on in the world. Many socialites have consequently
taken to this profitable hobby. There are of course exceptions
but they are few and far between. I want women workers who
would set an example in self-help, simplicity and dignity of labour.
Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol. II, p. 683, and Dilhiman Gandhiji — II,
pp. 201-2
300. A MESSAGE^
New Delhi,
December 31, 1947
I am certain that no sin or guilt can be imputed to those
Hindu and Sikh sisters who have been abducted, molested or
converted by Muslims. They should be received with open arms
and given the same place which they occupied before in society.
The saintly poet Tulsidas once said: “Compassion is the
root of religion.” If we do not show regard to those sisters of
ours, we cease to have any religion at all.
The Hindu, 1-1-1948
^ The report in Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase has been collated with
the Gujarati version in Dilhiman Gandhiji.
^ The message, addressed to the refugees, was released through the
Ministry of Relief and Rehabilitation.
333
301. SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
New Delhi,
December 31, 1947
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
Here are a few questions. Let me see how many of them
I can deal with.
A friend writes to ask how, when Hindus and Sikhs cannot
live peacefully in Sind, the Hindus from Punjab can be asked to
go back. Has there been some significant change of heart? I
think the correspondent could not have asked the question if
he had known the whole situation. What I had told the
Punjab Hindus was after a meeting I had with some Muslim
friends.' I cannot yet definitely advise the Punjab refugees to
go back. It is right that so long as Hindus and Sikhs cannot
live happily in Sind I cannot have any hopes as regards the
Punjab either. At present the complaints I am receiving from
all sides seem to be as to why Hindus and Sikhs from other
places in Pakistan are not being allowed to come.
A few men from Chitral and Swat came to see me. They
say there are still 251 Hindus in those places. I said that this
was not a very large number. In Sind there are Hindus and
Sikhs in much greater numbers and when they cannot come
how can you expect the few in Swat and Chitral to be allowed
to leave? The Government is doing what it can and so long
as all the Hindus and Sikhs stranded in Pakistan do not arrive
here it will not rest. I shall therefore not speak of the refugees
returning to Pakistan till there is a change of heart. I know
that if there is a change of heart in one place the same thing
will happen at other places. If we have a change of heart here
there will be a change of heart in Pakistan. It will take some
effort no doubt but there will be a change. After all madness
seized us only after it had seized people in Pakistan. I shall not go
into the various stages and degrees of madness. If sanity does not
return we shall lose both India and Pakistan. There will be a
war. The present state cannot last. People say that the required
change in the situation has already taken place, that Hindus and
Sikhs have come to India and Muslims from India have gone to
' Vide pp. 212-3.
334
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
335
Pakistan. They point out that transfer of populations of such
magnitude cannot be reversed. I do not hold this view. Even
if I am the only one to say it I shall still say that so long as
people do not go back to their homes there will be no peace
in the two countries. All the comforts you can provide to the
Sikh and Hindu refugees are not going to heal the wounds they
have suffered. It will be a matter of perpetual distress to them
that they have lost their hearths and homes and if there is a war
in fifty years’ time or a hundred years’ time, they are going to
remember this. Such things are not forgotten.
A friend asks if the refugee camps cannot be made cen-
tres of training in handicrafts. This is certainly possible if even
a single refugee wants it. It will not be necessary for me to
bring any pressure on the Government to do this. It will readily
agree to do what will save them the enormous expenditure they
incur at present in running these camps. This will also enable
the refugees to earn their livelihood without losing self-respect.
I suggested that the friend should campaign for this and create
an atmosphere where the refugees will themselves ask that they
should be taught handicrafts. This will raise India higher and
arrest the rot that has set in in India.
A lady has just given me this note. She is I think a Hindu
from Pakistan. She says she had gone out for a short period
and when she returned she found the lock of her house broken
and some Sikhs occupying the house. She went to the police
and had them arrested. One of them escaped. Now she wants
to know what she should do — whether she should leave the
house? I would not advise her to leave. I did not advise even
those coming from Pakistan to leave their houses. But what is
my advice worth ? People will not be ready to lay down their
lives on my saying so. I shall advise the lady not to leave her
house. Why did the Sikh friends forcibly enter her house? The
refugees should declare that they will not force themselves on
anyone, nor enter anyone’s house without permission. They should
live on what little money they get.
A lady has written to me a beautiful letter. She does not
give her name and address. She says she listens to my speeches
every day on the radio, but that the hymns and bhajans sung
at the meeting are not relayed. She suggests that if not every
day at least once every third or fourth day the prayer should be
broadcast; that my speeches are only of mundane significance,
while prayers are something spiritual. My speeches are recorded
by the radio people and then relayed. I have no hand in
336 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
this. Maybe they think that what I say will make for public
good. I do not know what is possible for the radio people to
do. But I think the bhajans sung here, however badly sung
they may be, should be relayed. I respect the sister for what
she has written. I must however disagree with her when she
separates the prayer from the prayer speech. I have told you
that what I say after the prayer is part of the prayer. I can-
not sing it to you and my voice has no sweetness. Besides, I
have grown so old that I would not be able to sing even if I
wanted. So the girls sing and sing well. Whatever therefore is
said or sung here is a prayer addressed to God. I should ad-
vise people to understand this.
Now about Junagadh and Ajmer. I spoke to you about
the telegrams from Junagadh. Now I have a telegram about
Ajmer. I know the story concerning Ajmer. What happened
there was pretty grim. But the telegram exaggerates it. Such
exaggeration only annoys people and provokes them. There
is already so much poison in Delhi; but to say that Muslim
property there is being plundered and their houses burnt, and
that the shrine is in danger, is not right. The fact is that no
one is going to touch the shrine. Why then do they send me
such telegrams? There certainly have been instances of looting
there. There also have been cases of arson and killings too.
This is not to be denied. But exaggerating it only makes it
smaller. I appeal to everyone to compare the report with the
events. Only then can we ensure the justice which we seek. If
we cannot confine ourselves to facts we are doomed.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy : All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 255-8
302. TALK WITH ENGLISH FRIENDS^
December 31, 1947^
No human being or religious institution is perfect in this
imperfect world. Religious institutions are an answer to the chal-
lenge of the age and the particular circumstances prevailing at
the time. Today we worship Christ but the Christ in the fiesh
we crucified. Stoning prophets and erecting churches to their
^ Who, accompanied by Amrit Kaur, met Gandhiji in the evening
2 From Dilhiman Gandhiji
LETTER TO KARL STRUVE
337
memory afterwards has been the way of the world through the
ages. They in the past could at least plead in mitigation that
they did not know what they were doing. We can offer no such
defence. And as the Confucian saying goes, “To know what is
right and not to do it is cowardice.”
In theory, a perfect religion is possible. But mankind has
not known any so far just as no man can claim to have seen
God. It is this that has been the goal of my aspiration and
striving for the last sixty years. I cannot claim to have attained
complete success but I feel I am coming closer to it every day
and that is enough for me.
Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol. II, p. 697
303. LETTER TO KARL STRUVE^
Birla House, New Delhi,
January 1, 1948
dear friend,
I thank you for your letter of 11th November^ which I
have just received.
I have not seen the report you refer to. In any case, what-
ever I have said does not refer in any way to the failure of ahimsa,
but it refers to my failure to recognize, until it was too late,
that what I had mistaken for ahimsa was not ahimsa, but passive
resistance of the weak, which can never be called ahimsa even
in the remotest sense. The internecine feud that is going on today
in India is the direct outcome of the energy that was set free
during the thirty years’ action of the weak. Hence, the proper
way to view the present outburst of violence throughout the world
is to recognize that the technique of unconquerable non-violence
of the strong has not been discovered as yet. Not an ounce of
non-violent strength is ever wasted. I must not, therefore, flatter
myself with the belief nor allow friends like you to entertain the
belief that I have exhibited any heroic and demonstrable non-
violence in myself as yet. All I can claim is that I am sailing
in that direction without a moment’s stoppage. This confession
' This, along with the addressee’s letter, appeared in Harijan under the
title “Ahimsa Never Fails”.
^ Vide Appendix III.
90-22
338
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
should Strengthen your belief in non-violence and spur you and
friends like you to action along the path of non-violence.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi
Karl Struve, Esq.
Wenterf Bei Reinbek
From a photostat: G. N. 860
304. LETTER TO PRAGJI K. NATAK
New Delhi,
January 1, 1948
BHAI PRAGJI,
I have your letter.
I am pained by such ignorance on the part of an eminent
person like you. And why all this hatred of the Muslims?
If we do not prefix Shri to a man’s name we should then
use Mr. If not that, then ji for a Hindu, and saheb for a Mus-
lim — what is improper about this?
Serve the people where you are, that will be much better
than coming to me.
Bapu
Pragjibhai Kalyanji Nayak, Engineer
Mama’s Pole
Baroda
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
305. FRAGMENT OF A LETTERS
January 1, 1948
So your brother has departed. I had not even known
that he was ill. We must be thankful that God has relieved him
of his suflfering. One day all of us — you, I and our near and
dear ones — have to go. Now all over the country hundreds
are dying every day. Many have left behind orphans with no
one to support them. Many others have lost innocent children
of tender age. You must consider the plight of the country and
console yourself. It is selfish to think only of one’s own sorrow.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 206
‘ This was addressed to a woman.
306. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
January 1, 1948
Blind imitation is evidence of paralysis of the mind. How
can we apply the rule of measure for measure to something that
is bad and imitate it? It betrays meanness to talk about the
number of Muslims killed in India or the number of Hindus
killed in Pakistan. May God grant good sense to all. Today I
am sustained only by this prayer.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhirmn Gandhiji — II, p. 210
307. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
January 1, 1948
In my opinion there is no improvement in the situation
here. For the present I am here but I am not sure what it will
be possible to do. If there is peace in the city it is only from
fear of the police. There is lire in people’s hearts. That lire must
either consume me or must be extinguished. No third way seems
likely at the moment.
[From Hindi]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^II, p. 206
308. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
January 1, 1948
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
Today is New Year’s Day according to the English calendar.
I am happy to see such a large number of people gathered here.
I regret that it took no less than 7 minutes for us to make room
for the women to sit. Even one minute lost at such a meeting is
hundreds of thousands of minutes lost to hundreds of thousands
of people. Our brothers should learn to offer first place to the
339
340
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
sisters. The country where women are not honoured is not really
civilized. According to Manu’ men and women should both under-
stand their own limits. We should learn to behave with added
restraint now that we are free. I hope the audience attending
the prayer meetings will be even larger in future. But all those
that come should come with prayer in their hearts, for prayer is
the food for the heart. We cannot get anywhere else such food
as we get from God. I also hope that the audience will maintain
silence and will return to their homes in silence.
Recently there was a Harijan conference in U. P., at which
it is reported, a minister preached to the Harijans that they
should give up their unclean habits, unclean living and unclean
clothes and abstain from alcohol. A Harijan countered that the
Government could burn up the unclean clothes just as it could
have palm trees cut down and wine shops closed. I admire the
courage of the Harijan friend. I for one make gur from palm. I
shall advise the Harijan brethren that the cure is in their own
hands. Even if liquor is sold in shops they should keep away
from it as they would from poison. In fact liquor is worse than
poison. Labourers drink in order to forget their domestic worries.
Poison can only kill the body. Liquor can kill even the soul.
One loses the ability to control one’s action. I would advise
the Government to close down liquor shops and to replace them
by eating-houses where people could get pure and light food.
Here they should distribute books from which people could learn
something and they should provide to them some harmless en-
tertainment. But there should be no place for cinema. This
will help people to give up alcohol. I say this from my experi-
ence of many countries. I have seen this in India and I had
seen it also in South Africa. I am quite sure that giving up
alcohol increases both the physical vigour of man and his capacity
to earn. It is for this reason that prohibition has been a part
of the Congress programme since 1920. Now that we are free
the Government should redeem its pledge and give up the un-
holy excise revenue. It is not a real loss, for it will bring enor-
mous good to the people. This is the way to our prosperity.
We should achieve this through our own effort.
[From Hindi]
Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 258-9
* Codifier of Hindu Law, author of Manavadharmashastra, generally
known as Manusmriti
309. A NOTE^
[After January 1, 1948Y
I didn’t see the pen at all. I even inquired about it. If
you had told me, I would certainly have written. Now from
tomorrow after you have finished other things go for a bath.
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 8731
310. WANTED ACCURACY
A correspondent from Malabar writes:^
The confidence with which Shri Dev Prakash Nayyar has written
on the “Intellectual Content of the Takli” in the Harijan of 21-12-’47
takes one’s breath away. He has made out that all knowledge is con-
tained in the takli or can be derived from it or it is the quintessence of
knowledge. . . . No doubt, the takli, charkha and spinning have a place
in the proper scheme of education, especially, Nayee Talim, but to say
that the takli naturally takes you to mathematics, physics, economics, etc.,
is but “ sentimental nonsense ”. The laA/i-enthusiasts need not carry their
arguments in favour of spinning to a ridiculous extent. The cause of
spinning cannot be advanced that way.
The correspondent evidently has not read as carefully as
necessary Shri Dev Prakash Nayyar’ s contribution on the takli.
As I read it, he has advanced no such claim as the correspon-
dent imagines. The author has not said that “all knowledge is
contained in” or that “it is derived from” the takli, nor has he
said that it is “the quintessence of knowledge”. His thesis simply
is that much knowledge that we derive from the books can be
better given by competent teachers through crafts. The fact that
the correspondent who is a practised spinner of long standing is
“shocked” at Shri Dev Prakash Nayyar’s claim and calls it “sen-
timental nonsense” proves that education does not reside in the
takli, but it does in an educationist who, like Shri Dev Prakash
Nayyar, having tested the possibilities of the takli is entitled to
make the claim above mentioned.
This was scribbled on a letter from Nrisimhaprasad K. Bhatt
dated January 1.
^ Only extracts from the letter are reproduced here.
341
342
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
I fear I must deprive the correspondent of the smug satis-
faction that not even I have attributed to the innocent-looking
takli more than “economic and moral virtues”. Even the modest
claim, I am sorry, has not found universal acceptance. I was
probably the first in India to ascribe what may be termed extra-
vagant virtue to the takli and the like. Practical teachers along the
line have found many more possibilities in handicrafts than I
had mentioned. All honour to them for it.
I would strongly advise the correspondent humbly to accept
Shri Dev Prakash Nayyar’s cautious claim and seek more infor-
mation from him as to how in the course of his giving his
pupils lessons in Nayee Talim, he came upon his discovery. If
the discovery is only imaginary, the correspondent will soon find
out to Shri Dev Prakash Nayyar’s discomfiture. The fall of an
apple from its branch is said to have enabled Newton’s rich mind
to discover the law of gravitation.
New Delhi, January 2, 1948
Harijan, 11-1-1948
311. LETTER TO D. G. TENDULKAR
New Delhi,
January 2, 1948
MY DEAR TENDULKAR',
Here are the addresses which I was able to correct between
yesterday and this morning under severe stress. I have removed
the inverted commas commencing with each paragraph. I hope
you will understand all the corrections and that I have not been
too late.^
Tours,
Bapu
D. G. Tendulkar
407 Kalbadevi Road
Bombay
From a facsimile; Mahatma, Vol. I, p. VII
' Author of Mahatma : Life of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, which was
published in eight volumes
^ Gandhiji took a keen interest in the addressee’s venture and on January
22, 1948, discussed with him “the smallest details” about the format, the
type, illustrations, standardization of spelling and so on.
312. FRAGMENT OF A LETTERS
January 2, 1948
The Gita rightly says that action without knowledge is of no
worth. I have had experience of this many times and many others
too will have had the experience. If action is informed by know-
ledge devotion comes on its own. To do this one must always
take one’s stand on truth. If one has come to realize truth
nothing else remains to be done. As we look into a mirror and
discover the lightest spots on our faces, so must we look into
our hearts. Only afterwards may we criticize others. Hardly any-
one can claim perfection for himself. It is my humble advice to
you that rather than observe the faults of . . . you should observe
your own. . . . should follow my advice only if he finds it good.
Otherwise he may reject it.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^II, pp. 212-3
313. LETTER TO JAISUKHLAL GANDHI
January 2, 1948
I find myself here in a fiery pit. It is difficult to say what
will happen. Maybe we shall know soon. Manu is completely
exhausted. Her condition has reached a stage where it causes
worry. The fault is perhaps as much mine as hers. I have made
her work eighteen hours at a stretch. And I have subjected her
to an equal or even greater mental strain. After all she is only
a young girl of sixteen or seventeen years. Still I am convinced
that if she only has Ramanama inscribed in her heart she will
suffer no physical enfeeblement. But how can I measure this?
So long as her condition does not improve it must remain a cause
of worry to me. In this yajna her part is of no small significance.
So many girls come to me. But in the matter of service Manu,
considering her age, surpasses all the others. And if I had not
sent for her, I would have carried the guilt of having done her
injustice. Now my only wish is to see her restored to health.
* Omissions in the letter are as in the source.
343
344
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
I cannot say how long I shall have to stay here. I have
to do or die. There is no third way.
How is your health ? I hope you are not continuing the dietetic
experiments. Manu will write the rest. I am well. It is God’s
mercy that under the present strain I am able to keep myself fit.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 213
314. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
January 2, 1948
Man today is afraid of man, afraid of his neighbour. How
can I then talk about national issues? We deliberately bring
suffering on ourselves, deceive ourselves. No one can harm an-
other. In my view man is himself the cause of his sufferings.
This city which is the metropolis of the country has the appear-
ance of a dead city. No one trusts anyone. Such peace as one
finds is to be attributed to the fear of the police. Why is it
that the freedom achieved through non-violence is sought to be
sustained by violence? I have been searching my heart. I find
despair there. Maybe it was the will of God that I should wit-
ness this day. Now I have to do or die. Let us see how much
I have yet to overcome to reach the state of sthitaprajna. I thank
God that he woke me up at last.
Manu is seriously ill. The girl has tremendous energy but
she has become weak in the body. I admit that I have treated
her harshly and this is the result of that. After all how much can
her poor body bear? I have extracted much physical work from
her and even more mental work. But I have the satisfaction that
she has lost nothing. I have trained her well. If only I could
bring her back to health now! She is careless about her health.
She forgets everything in serving me. You should not worry.
I am much concerned about her health. Typhoid is suspected.
How are you all? The situation in Bihar is difficult, but
the fate of Delhi today will be the fate of the country. . . .'
[From Hindi]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 211-2
' Omission as in the source
315. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
January 2, 1948
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
Tomorrow we may have to hold the prayer meeting at the
Wavell Canteen, where many refugees are living. I have been
there once and I was asked then to hold the prayer meeting there,
but I could not stay on. Today someone from the camp came
and requested me and I have agreed to go there tomorrow.
So if it does not rain tomorrow I shall hold the prayer there.
But if it rains it may not be possible to have the prayer there.
In that case we shall have it here. In any case the prayer meet-
ing will be held. Thus it is a little uncertain about tomorrow.
Of course if you wish, you may come here and if there is no
prayer, you can go back.
I saw you laugh at my little umbrellah It is a beautiful
thing. It costs nothing. It was given to me free of cost not
because I am a Mahatma. The fact is that when I was touring
in Noakhali,^ it was very hot and some people took pity on me
and gave me this. They put it on also when it rains. Mostly
people have to work in the fields, they cannot do so in the
heat of the sun without putting this on. Muslims live there in
large numbers. There are Hindus too, but mostly they carry on
business. Everyone has this kind of umbrella. There was a
Muslim friend there because after all every Muslim did not con-
sider me his enemy and later they had all understood that I
had not gone there to plunder them or to prepare a case against
them, but I had gone there only to give such solace as I could
to the Hindus. So they gave me this umbrella. I did not really
need it much there because I did not do more than an hour
of walking each day. They also gave one to Nirmal Babu^. When
I left Noakhali Manu suggested that I should take along this
umbrella because I would have to do a lot of walking in the
sun and it would be a good covering for the head. This can be
made anywhere. It can be made even here. The other kind of
^ A broad straw hat which Gandhiji used as an umbrella
^ From November 6, 1946 to March 1947
^ Nirmal Kumar Bose, a professor of Calcutta University, who accom-
panied Gandhiji as his interpreter on his walking tour of Noakhali
345
346
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
umbrella needs a handle while this has no handle. When it is
windy we can tie the string attached to it round the face.
The bhajan that was sung today, though well sung, is really
a morning bhajan. In this bhajan we pray to God to wake up.
But God is always awake. He never sleeps. But there is a
belief in Hinduism that when dawn breaks everyone must wake
up. The devout go round calling everyone to arise. We have
bhajans for the morning, bhajans for the noon, bhajans for the eve-
ning and bhajans for the night. Only musicologists know all the
subtle distinctions. I do not know much but since some bhajan
or other is sung here every day I have come to have some idea.
I have a long letter apparently written by a Hindu. He
says I have learnt nothing and am still friendly with Muslims,
though I have been repeatedly told how stupid it is to imagine
that any Muslim can be our brother or be loyal to the Indian
Union. If there are any such, he says, I should keep them
and send the rest away. If I did not do so, what would
happen, he asks, in case, God forbid, a war broke out between
India and Pakistan. Do I imagine that the several crores
of Muslims in India will be loyal to India and fight against
Pakistan? It is easy to pose such questions but difficult to
answer them. All that I can say is: Wherever we may choose
to live, if we want to live as men we must not assume anyone
to be bad till he has been proved to be bad. If you read news-
papers you will know that recently about one lakh of Muslims
had gathered in Lucknow.* One cannot believe that there was
not a single Muslim Leaguer among them. There must have
been some, even if there had been no League leaders. If later
they betray you, you can shoot them. You may shoot one or
two or a certain number. Everyone will not be disloyal. No-
where in the world can everyone be disloyal. Therefore the cor-
respondent writes out of ignorance. But today he is angry. The
barbarities the Muslims have committed are on his brain. He
wants all Muslims to be driven out. If similarly Pakistan says
that Hindus have committed barbarities here and they should
be driven out, I shall say it is foolish to say so. It will be the
limit of folly. It is this attitude that was responsible for the
partition of the country. If you want to bring the two together,
* At the Indian Union Muslims’ Conference, which met on December 27
and 28, Abul Kalam Azad called for the winding up of the Muslim
League in India. The Conference unanimously adopted a resolution asking
Muslims in India to dissolve all communal and political organizations and
advising them to join the Congress.
IS IT DESERVED?
347
that can be done only if we become good. Only the good and
the noble can be brave. Stupid people can never be brave. To-
day the poison around us is only increasing. Kashmir has added
more poison. If there is a war both countries are going to bleed.
I do not wish to be alive to see that. I do not wish to be a
witness to that carnage. I can only pray to God and ask you
all to join in the prayer that He may take me away. Why should
we not so conduct ourselves that any conflict between India and
Pakistan becomes impossible? We must be brave and trust the
Muslims. If later they violate the trust you can cut off their
heads. But you cannot say that if anyone refuses to go to Pakis-
tan his head should be cut off. This means cutting off millions
of heads on both sides of the border which would be the limit
of madness. There are now perhaps thirty or thirty-five millions
of Muslims in India. If we harass them we shall not survive as
a nation nor can our Hinduism. I pray to God that He may
cure us of this folly and this madness so that our country which
has advanced may continue to make progress. Today we seem to
be falling and the sort of letter that the correspondent has written
gives further impetus to the fall. The note is written in English.
He writes English quite well, but I cannot praise him for that.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 260-1
316. IS IT DESERVED?
New Delhi,
January 3, 1948
In the course of a long letter which Reverend Dr. John
Haynes Holmes' had written to me before leaving the hospitable
shores of India, he writes:
Of course you have been sad, well-nigh overborne, by the tragedies
of recent months, but you must never feel that this involves any break-
down of your life-work. Human nature cannot bear too much — it cracks
under too great strain — and the strain in this case was as terrific as it was
sudden. But your teaching remained as true and your leadership as sound
' (1879-1964); a pacifist, founder of a non-sectarian community church
in New York; Editor of Unity in which Gandhiji’s Autobiography was first pub-
lished in America; author of My Gandhi
Dr. Haynes Holmes came to India on October 5, 1947 as Tagore Memo-
rial Professor at the Banaras Hindu University under the auspices of the Watu-
mul Foundation. He met Gandhiji on October 12, 1947.
348
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
as ever. Single-handed you saved the situation, and brought victory out of
what seemed for the moment to be defeat. I count these last few months
to be the crown and climax of your unparalleled career. You were never
so great as in these dark hours.
I wonder if the claim can be proved. That much more than
Dr. Holmes observed can be proved of ahimsa, I have not the
slightest doubt. My difficulty is fundamental. Have I attained the
requisite qualifications for exhibiting the virtues of ahimsa, even
as Dr. Holmes has said ? Knowing as I do the working of ahimsa,
however imperfectly, I see every reason for the utmost caution
in advancing claims that cannot be proved beyond a doubt.
M. K. G.
From a photostat: C. W. 10971. Courtesy: Rogers W. Holmes. Also
Harijan, 11-1-1948
317. FRAGMENT OF A LETTERS
January 3, 1948
I have your angry letter. How can I tolerate your being so
angry? When iron is heated sparks fly from it. But however
much one may strike it with a hammer, the hammer does not
become hot. If you can only make yourself like a hammer
everything will come about as you desire. For the rest, if the
sea catches fire what can anyone say?
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 218
318. LETTER TO SAVITRI BAJAJ
January 3, 1948
CHI. savitrF,
Kamalnayan told me that you have had a baby and that
you had afterwards developed a fever. I hope by now it is gone
and you are both well.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 3062
’ This was addressed to a woman.
^ Wife of Kamalnayan Bajaj, son of Jamnalal Bajaj
319. LETTER TO HEMPRABHA DAS GUPTA
New Delhi,
January 3, 1948
CHI. HEMPRABHA,
I have your letter. What do we lose if we do not get a
certificate from the Charkha Sangh? In my opinion we only
gain as our aim is to serve khadi and thus the Charkha Sangh.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 2741
320. ERAGMENT OE A LETTER
January 3, 1948
It does not appear likely that I shall be able to get out of
here. I have to do or die. You may think there is peace in
Delhi. But that peace is not the peace of the hearts. It is im-
posed by arms. I am waiting for the call from within. I have here
three or four girls in attendance. I am living in the palatial Birla
House. But I find no rest. The girls are serving me well. For
the time being I do not feel the need to call upon your serv-
ices. Of course the girls can leave whenever they want with my
permission. Only Manu has a part in this yajna. The rest of
the girls are here only accidentally. They can go as they came.
I have to admit that Manu’s service in this yajna has been
significant. Only, she has been neglecting her body.
How are you all? How is Khadi Pratishthan doing? How
many people are there in the Ashram? Ashrams should not
depend on outside help. About Sevagram I have come to the
conclusion that it should either become self-supporting or it
should be closed down. The Ashram has become like a pinjra-
pole^.
[From Hindi]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 218-9
' A shelter for old and sick cattle
349
321. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
January 3, 1948
I am nowhere near realizing Rama yet, but I am striving.
When I have the realization, the glow of my ahimsa will spread
all around.
The situation here is extremely perilous. About Kashmir
Mountbatten is doing all he can. Whatever may happen, Bengal
and Bihar must be spared the conflagration. If there is the
slightest disturbance there you will not find me alive. Let
everyone have this message of mine.
[From Hindi]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 217
322. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING^
New Delhi,
January 3, 1948
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
I am happy to be able to fulfil the promise I made to
you to visit the camp and speak a few words to you. I am
also happy to observe that there are almost as many women
in the camp as there are men. First of all I shall request you
to join me in the prayer that peace and love may again be
established in India and the world and all men may become
brothers. Today there is no peace to be seen anywhere in the
world. Peace cannot be established with the help of money.
So long as there is no peace in the heart there can be no
peace outside. Only when peace issues from within the heart
and is expressed through the eyes, words and actions of men
can we say that peace has been established. A man of peace
can live happily even in a mud hut and has no thought of the
morrow, for it is only God who knows what will happen on
the morrow. Shri Ramachandra, who was a man like us, had
no idea when he was about to be installed on the throne that he
would have to go into exile. But he realized only too well that
* Held at Wavell Canteen Refugee Camp
350
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
351
securing peace was not the same thing as securing a throne and
that peace was not dependent on external conditions. There-
fore when he knew that he had to go to the forest his peace
was not ruffled. If Hindus and Sikhs could have that realiza-
tion the madness that has seized them would have been cured
and, whatever the actions of the Muslims, they themselves would
have remained calm. If Hindus and Sikhs even now realize this,
I am sure it will have the most desirable effect on the Muslims.
I am told that this camp is being very well managed. I
cannot accept this assurance fully till I know that the refugees
too fully participate in keeping the camp clean and that they
co-operate with the officials in every way. I know how dirty
the streets of Delhi are. One can only say that the camp is
well managed when it is made to look at least cleaner than the
roads of Delhi. I know the sufferings you have had to bear.
Some of you have come from well-to-do homes. You must not
hope here for the comforts you had in the past. You must
learn to adapt yourselves to the new situation and try with
patient labour to improve your conditions.
I remember how on the eve of the Boer War in 1899
Englishmen had left the Transvaal for Natal. They knew how to
face hardships. They all lived the same way. One of them was
an engineer and worked with me as a carpenter. We have been
a slave country for centuries and we have not learnt this vir-
tue. Now that we are free — and freedom is a precious thing
— I hope our refugee brothers and sisters will learn something
from their sufferings and make this an ideal camp so that people,
if not from all over the world, least from all over India, can come
and visit it and take pride in it. The hymn that has been sung
in the prayer just now means that we should surrender to God
all that we possess and take from it only the barest minimum
for our needs. If we act in conformity with this hymn, not
only this camp but the whole of Delhi will breathe a new life
and all our hearts will be filled with an inner joy.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy ; All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 261-2
323. QUESTION BOX^
q. It does not matter whether the lingua franca be called Hindi or
Hindustani; in any case the common language in actual use will remain
Hindustani. It cannot, however, be gainsaid that in advanced literature and
science certain words will be necessary which can only be derived from
Sanskrit. Where is the harm in making this clear to the public?
A. The first part of the question would be correct provided
the name adopted were accepted by all in the same light.
The controversy arises not over the name but what it is meant
to convey. In advanced literature and science we should not
draw exclusively from Sanskrit. A small committee can be ap-
pointed to prepare a dictionary of current words irrespective of
their original source.
C). With regard to the script, it would be burdensome to have to use
two scripts in the conduct of the affairs of the nation. Why not then adopt
the Nagari script which is current in all provinces? Does the two-script
proposal mean that the Central Government should use both the scripts in its
correspondence and publications? Would telegraph and other offices also
have to use both the scripts?
I do not subscribe to the view often put forward that the two-script pro-
posal is meant to appease the Muslims. Our concern should be to select the
script which might be advantageous to the nation as a whole without wishing
any injustice. It would not be correct to hold that the adoption of the Nagari
script would be harmful to Muslim interests. As far as I can see, it would
be necessary to adopt both the scripts, but only as a temporary measure —
ultimately one script should be acceptable to all. How can this be
disputed ?
A. With the adoption of the two scripts, the easier one
will ultimately survive. All that is wanted is that the Urdu
script should not be boycotted, as such boycott would imply
discrimination. A controversy arose over such discrimination
and this has now been accentuated. With this background, we
who believe in unity and are opposed to civil strife are bound
to adopt both the scripts. Again we cannot forget that many
Hindus and Sikhs are ignorant of the Nagari script. There is
* A Hindi version of this appeared in Harijan Sevak, 11-1-1948. The
questions were sent by Rameshchandra of Shillong; vide p. 360.
352
FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
353
no question of all people having to learn both the scripts, but
only of those liable to serve outside their province. Nor is it
suggested that all notices should be issued by the Central Gov-
ernment in both the scripts — but only those meant for all.
Having regard to the present communal antagonism, the
boycott of the Urdu script would be regarded as an anti-
democratic measure.
The question whether telegraph and other offices would
also have to use both the scripts is a minor one. When we get
rid of the incubus of the English language and the Roman
script, our minds will be clearer and we shall realize the futi-
lity of such controversies.
While we must always refrain from an improper course with
the object of appeasing others, there is no harm in conciliating
when the course itself is intrinsically proper. If all accepted our
script willingly, it would be so good, but even to achieve this
end it is necessary to retain both the scripts at present.
New Delhi, January 4, 1948
Harijan, 11-1-1948
324. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
January 4, 1948
Who knows what will happen tomorrow? Everything about
me is uncertain. But I am moving towards light. Your leucor-
rhoea must be cured. You should abstain from salt. Pulses in
this disease are as poison. So are spices. Hip-baths, mud-
packs on the stomach and rest are necessary. Had you been
here I would have made you fast. But I have full faith that
if you resort to these external remedies and recite Ramanama
with your whole heart, you will certainly be cured of the disease.
In India 75 per cent of the women suffer from this ailment.
The main reason is the feeling of shame associated with it, total
ignorance about the matter and unnatural eating and living.
It will not be wrong to say that our sisters do not have any
idea of how terrible and painful this disease is. I have made
up my mind that if I can extricate myself from my present
involvements my first task will be to tackle all these diseases of
women through nature cure. But today this seems fanciful.
Chand is not yet fully restored. Her disease is more of the
mind than of the body. Abha and Manu are well. Sushila is
90-23
354
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
due here today from Bombay. I write this in the early morning.
Even if I can write to you only occasionally, you should write
to me regularly. The rest from Manu.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^II, pp. 225-6
325. FRAGMENT OF A LETTERS
January 4, 1948
Children should not write in pencil. They should not use
a fountain-pen. Writing with a reed pen improves the hand-
writing. I hope you help your mother with domestic chores
and regularly spin half an hour every day. You should do
physical exercises and make your body strong. I hope you have
learnt to make chapatis and cook vegetables. Anyway you will
tell me when we meet. Be cheerful and happy. Manu will
write the rest.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 225
326. LETTER TO M. B. GODBOLE^
New Delhi,
January 4, 1948
BHAI GODBOLE,
I have your letter. The first book was a translation of Dr.
Lindlahr’s book, was it not? Are there any other books by him?
I no longer hold the view I had held earlier. Greater ex-
perience has convinced me that Dr. Lindlahr’s book is quite
ordinary. His book has gained very little currency in America.
Anyway you may send me your book. I would like to see it
* This was addressed to a young girl.
^ This was in reply to the addressee’s letter dated December 30, 1947
requesting Gandhiji to send a foreword for his translation of Dr. Lindlahr’s
Practice of Nature Cure.
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING 355
when I have some leisure. The publication of the book should
not be held up for the sake of my foreword.
I feel grateful that you have agreed to render some help
at Uruli. You should go there and see things for yourself. It
has a trust of which Dr. Mehta is one of the trustees. There
is no harm in doing that. I am writing to the Secretary of the
Trust about your letter.
From the Hindi original: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
327. LETTER TO RAJA OF AUNDH
New Delhi,
January 4, 1948
RAJA SAHEB^,
I have your letter You are doing good work. May God
grant you success.
Tours,
M. K. Gandhi
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
328. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
January 4, 1948
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
1 have been a little late today because it had been raining
and I was told that I should be in no hurry for I might not
find many people here. But I said that no matter how small
the audience, it was my duty to be present. There was also
some other business to attend to and this took a few minutes.
I thank you for having come in spite of the rain and it gives
me much satisfaction that there are so many of you. It shows
that you are keen on the prayer. If you have come merely out
of curiosity then it has no value.
* The addressee was the first to introduce full responsible government in
the State in 1939. Aundh was one of the eight States which made up the
United Deccan State formed on December 20, 1947, at Miraj.
2 For details, vide p. 374.
356
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Today there is talk of war everywhere. Everyone fears a
war breaking out between the two countries. If that happens it
will be a calamity both for India and for Pakistan. India has
written to the U. N. because whenever there is a fear of con-
flict anywhere the U. N. is asked to promote a settlement and
to stop fighting from breaking out. India therefore wrote to
the U. N. O. However trivial the issue may appear to be, it
could lead to a war between the two countries. It is a long
memorandum and it has been cabled.^ Pakistan’s Zafarullah
Khan^ and Liaquat Ali Khan^ have since issued long statements.
I would take leave to say that their argument does not appeal
to me. You may ask if I approve of the Union Government
approaching the U. N. O. I may say that I both approve and do
not approve of what they did. I approve of it, because after all
what else are they to do? They are convinced that what they
are doing is right. If there are raids from outside the frontier
of Kashmir, the obvious conclusion is that it must be with the
connivance of Pakistan. Pakistan can deny it. But the denial
does not settle the matter. Kashmir has acceded to India.
And India has accepted the accession upon certain conditions.
If Pakistan harasses Kashmir and if Sheikh Abdullah who is the
leader of Kashmir asks the Indian Union for help, the latter is
bound to send help. Such help therefore was sent to Kashmir.
At the same time Pakistan is being requested to get out of
Kashmir and to arrive at a settlement with India over the
question through bilateral negotiations. If no settlement can be
' On January 1, 1948, the Government of India submitted a formal
complaint to the Security Council. Vide Appendix IV.
^ At a Press conference at Karachi, on January 1, Mohammad Zafarullah
Khan, Pakistan Foreign Minister, denying Pakistan’s complicity in the attack on
Kashmir had stated: “Kashmir on all sides was surrounded by predominantly
Muslim areas and realizing that something was to be done to help the Kashmir
Muslims in their plight, individual Muslims from the surrounding areas did
whatever they could to bring help. ”
^ Denying the charges of aggression and looting, the Prime Minister of
Pakistan had, among other things, stated on January 3: “There are some who
are helping the forces of the Azad Kashmir Government, who have come from
tribal areas because of the reports ... of the general massacre of Muslims that
had been going on in Kashmir by armed bands of Hindus, Sikhs and troops
of the Maharaja.” He claimed that “the conspiracy and plans for the
occupation of Kashmir by Indian troops were laid well in advance and the
excuse that India sent her troops because of the so-called invaders having
entered Kashmir territory, was only intended to deceive the world.” He
further said that “we made it clear that we had no control over the forces of
the Provisional Government of Kashmir or the tribesmen, engaged in fight.”
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
357
reached in this way then a war is inevitable. It is to avoid the
possibility of war that the Union Government has taken the step
it did. Whether they are right in doing so or not God alone knows.
Whatever might have been the attitude of Pakistan, if I
had my way I would have invited Pakistan’s representatives to
India and we could have met, discussed the matter and worked
out some settlement. They keep saying that they want an
amicable settlement but they do nothing to create the conditions
for such a settlement. I shall therefore humbly say to the
responsible leaders of Pakistan that though we are now two
countries — which is a thing I never wanted — we should at least
try to arrive at an agreement so that we could live as peace-
ful neighbours. Let us grant for the sake of argument that all
Indians are bad, but Pakistan at least is a new-born nation
which has moreover come into being in the name of religion
and it should at least keep itself clean. But they themselves
make no such claim. It is not their argument that Muslims
have committed no atrocities in Pakistan. I shall therefore sug-
gest that it is now their duty, as far as possible, to arrive at
an amicable understanding with India and live in harmony
with her. Mistakes were made on both sides. Of this I have
no doubt. But this does not mean that we should persist in
those mistakes, for then in the end we shall only destroy our-
selves in a war and the whole of the sub-continent will pass into
the hands of some third power. That will be the worst ima-
ginable fate for us. I shudder to think of it. Therefore the two
Dominions should come together with God as witness and find
a settlement. The matter is now before the U. N. O. It cannot
be withdrawn from there. But if India and Pakistan come to a
settlement the big powers in the U. N. O. will have to endorse
that settlement. They will not object to the settlement. They
themselves can only say that they will do their best to see that
the two countries arrive at an understanding through mutual
discussions. Let us pray to God that He may spare us the
threatened strife, but not at any price. All that we may pray
to God is to grant that we may either learn to live in amity
with each other or if we must fight to let us fight to the very
end. That may be folly, but sooner or later it will purify us.
Now a few words about Delhi. I came to know of the incidents
which took place last evening through Brijkishan. I had gone
to the Camp^ for the evening prayer. I came away after the
* Wavell Canteen Refugee Camp
358
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
prayer but he had stayed over to talk to the people in the Camp.
There are some Muslim houses at a little distance from the
Camp. About four or five hundred inmates of the Camp —
mostly women and children but also some men — issued out of the
Camp to take possession of the houses. I am told they did not
indulge in any kind of violence. Some of the houses were va-
cant. Some were occupied by the owners. They tried to take
possession even of the latter. The police were near at hand.
They immediately went to the spot and brought the situation
under control at about 9 O’clock according to the newspapers
but about 11 O’clock according to the information I have. The
police have stayed on there. I understand they had to use tear
gas. Tear gas does not kill but it can be pretty painful. I am
told that something has happened today again.
All I can say is that it is a matter of great shame for us.
Have not the refugees learnt even from their immense suffering
that they have to exercise some restraint? It is highly improper
to go and occupy other people’s houses. It is for the Govern-
ment to find them shelter or whatever else they need. Today
the Government is our own. But if we defy our own Govern-
ment and defy the police and forcibly occupy houses the Gov-
ernment is not likely to continue for long. It is still worse that
such things should happen in the capital city of India where
there are so many ambassadors from all over the world. Do
we want to show them the spectacle of people occupying what-
ever they can? It is all the more regrettable that women and
children were used as a shield. It is inhuman. It is like
Muslim rulers keeping a herd of cows in the vanguard of their
armies to make sure that the Hindus would not fight. It is
uncivilized, barbaric behaviour. It is still more barbaric to
put women and children in front to provide against the police
making a lathi charge. It is abuse of womanhood. I must
humbly ask all the refugees — women and children — not to behave
in this way. Let them settle down. If they don’t, then apart from
a war between India and Pakistan, we may kill ourselves in
mutual strife. We may lose Delhi and make ourselves the
laughing-stock of the world. If we want to keep India a free
country, we must stop the things that are at present going on.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy : All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 263-7
329. LETTER TO R. R. DIWAKAR
\January 4\5, 1 948~\ *
BHAI DIWAKAR^,
I wrote something about what you had written [to me].
Why is it not possible to follow my suggestion? Such things do
hold up the work.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
330. LETTER TO MAHMUD
[January 4j5, 1948]
BHAI MAHMUD,
What is this?
Do return to me the certificate I had given for that per-
son, if you have not already torn it up.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
* In the source this and the following two letters are placed between
those of January 4 and 5, 1948.
^ The addressee was a member of the Congress Constitution Committee
appointed by the A. I. C. C. for revising the constitution of the Congress. Vide
Appendix I (7).
359
331. LETTER TO RAMESHCHANDRA
YJanmry 4j5, 1948]
BHAI RAMESHCHANDRA,
I am sorry that I could not meet you. The answers to
your questions I am forwarding to Harijan Sevak and you will
find them there.’
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
332. LETTER TO JIVANJI D. DESAI
January 5, 1948
CHI. JIVANJI,
What I have sent this time is worth thinking over. The
Gujarati items need not be translated into English there, nor the
English into Gujarati or Hindustani. Some of the Hindustani
items will have to be translated into Gujarati there. We try to
send reports of my daily speeches in Hindustani, in such lan-
guage as I actually use but with some revisions, and it is not,
therefore, necessary to translate the speeches from English into
Gujarati. It will do even if you give only summaries from the
Hindustani reports. This will mean that the editions of Hari-
jan in all the three languages will be self-contained and inde-
pendent of one another. It remains to be seen whether we can
attain this ideal. I cannot say how long I shall be able to cope
with the work involved. Let us try, however.
A good many Hindustani articles by Sundarlal have accu-
mulated. I think it is high time they are taken up. I exact
pretty hard work from him. His Hindustani seems to be the
real thing and of excellent quality. It is the speech of ordinary
people in North India.
’ Vide pp. 352-3.
360
LETTER TO NRISIMHAPRASAD K. BHATT 361
Please let me know if you have any comments to make on this.
Blessings from
Bapu
. .
Will it be all right if I send the final instalment on Wed-
nesday ?
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 9991
333. LETTER TO VIJATA M. PANCHOLI
New Delhi,
January 5, 1948
CHI. vijaya',
Are both of you all right? If the mind is cheerful there
is no danger of the body getting ill.
It is now time for the prayer and, therefore, I must stop here.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 7153. Also C. W. 4645. Courtesy:
Vijaya M. Pancholi
334. LETTER TO NRISIMHAPRASAD K. BHATT
New Delhi,
January 5, 1948
CHI. NANABHAI,
I got today your letter dated the 1st. Your birthday falls
on the 7th. Now tell me how my blessings in writing can
reach you [in time]. Even a telegram may not. These days a
telegram takes four days. You of course have my blessings in
spirit, because it is my own work that you are doing. And my
blessings are always with any work that is mine.
You will certainly come personally when you can.
How is your health these days?
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
Wife of Manubhai Pancholi
335. NOTE TO MUSLIMS^
New Delhi,
January 5, 1948
It would be more helpful if you could supply some proof
in its support. Moreover I have been receiving complaints that
Muslims too have arms in plenty in their possession. Therefore,
first you should persuade the Muslim brothers and get the arms
from them and hand them over to me. And then if the Gov-
ernment fails to provide protection to them I will die first, be-
fore letting them die.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 323
336. NOTE TO SUBHADRA GUPTA^
New Delhi,
January 5, 1948
If a girl like you had not come to me with such a complaint
and instead if I were to hear that Subhadra had been killed,
while trying to save Muslims from Hindus, I would dance for
joy. I feel that only when Hindu men and women thus bravely
sacrifice their lives will this conflict end.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 233
* Who had come with the complaint that Hindus harassed Muslims
living in Hindu localities and that they were armed as well
^ The addressee had mentioned the harassment of the Muslims at the
hands of Hindus.
362
337. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING^
New Delhi,
January 5, 1948
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
I am being flooded with letters and telegrams congratu-
lating me on the lifting of controls on most things and pleading
that the controls which still remain should be lifted. I give
below the substance of an English letter, written by a successful
businessman. The letter says:
As desired by you I give below the comparative prices of white
sugar, jaggery, brown sugar and other articles of food before and after
lifting of controls.
Current rates Rates in November before
lifting of controls
Sugar
Rs.
37-8
a maund
Rs.
80
to 85
a maund
Jaggery
Rs.
13 to
15
5J >5
Rs.
30
to 32
55
,,
Brown Sugar
Rs.
14 to
18
if ? 5
Rs.
37
to 45
5 5
5 5
Sugar Cubes
11 As. a
packet
Rs.
1-8 to Rs.
1-12 a packet
Sugar deshi
Rs.
30 to
35
a maund
Rs.
78
to 80
per
maund
It will be noticed that
prices of sugar have fallen by 50
p. c.
Wheat
Rs.
18 to 20
a maund
Rs.
40
to 50
a maund
Rice Basmati Rs.
25
5 5 5 5
Rs.
40
to 45
5 5
5 5
Maize
Rs.
15 to
17
5 5 5 5
Rs.
30
to 35
5 5
5 5
Gram
Rs.
16 to
18
5 5 5 5
Rs.
38
to 40
55
5 5
Mung
Rs.
23
5 5 5 5
Rs.
35
to 38
5 5
5 5
Urad
Rs.
23
5 5 5 5
Rs.
34
to 37
5 5
5 5
Arhar
Rs.
22
5 5 5 5
Rs.
32
5 5
5 5
Pulses :
Gram
Rs.
20
5 5 5 5
Rs.
30
5 5
5 5
Mung
Rs.
26
5 5 5 5
Rs.
39
5 5
5 5
Urad
Rs.
26
5 5 5 5
Rs.
37
5 5
5 5
Arhar
Rs.
22
5 5 5 5
Rs.
32
5 5
55
Oil :
Mustard
Rs.
65
5 5 5 5
Rs.
75
5 5
5 5
Following lifting of controls the market is inundated with woollen and silken
textiles. Their prices have fallen by 50 p. c. and at some places by 66 p. c.
* As Gandhiji was observing silence, this was read out after the prayer.
363
364
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
In the expectation that control on cotton textiles will be lifted their prices
are slowly falling. If the control is lifted then the prices are likely to
fall by 60 p. c. This will lead to competition among the various mills
and make cloth more easily available. But if control on cotton textile
is lifted the export of cloth from India should be banned for at least
three years. In Government offices they merely play mysterious games
with the figures of statistics. They should not hinder the implementation
of decontrol. Presumably petrol was controlled on account of the
exigencies of war and can now be decontrolled. The truth is that
control on petrol has benefited only a few transport companies which
have now a vested interest in keeping the control. It does not benefit
the masses. It need hardly be pointed out that a single bus or truck
which has a permit to ply on one particular stretch of road will be
able to make Rs. 15,000 a month. If the control on petrol is lifted one
cannot earn more than Rs. 300 a month out of one vehicle. Today
petrol permits are freely being sold. A petrol permit for one lorry can
easily be sold to a transport magnate for as much as Rs. 10,000. If
control is lifted the various problems before the country such as food,
housing and so on will be solved by themselves. Please try to have
the control on petrol lifted and help the masses who are suffering on
account of control. A free India should have no use for controls.
It seems to me that there is not much one can say when
faced with these figures. Maybe I am ignorant, those with more
knowledge should correct me.’ When people by and large want
a thing there is no room left for any hesitation in a democracy.
It is said that India consumes merely one per cent of the
amount of petrol produced in the world. There is no cause
for despair in this. After all our road transport does go on. But
does it mean that because we are not a warlike people we do not
need more petrol? Or if we need more, will there be shortage
for the rest of the world? Let not the learned laugh at my
ignorance. I seek light. If I hide the darkness I cannot get
light. The question is: If so little petrol falls to our share, how
is it that huge stocks of petrol are available in the black market?
If the situation described by the correspondent really pre-
vails it is shocking. It means that controls are a boon to the
rich and a bane for the poor. And yet it is in the name of the
poor that the controls are imposed. If that is how monopoly
’ Commenting on this, A. D. Gorawala, former President of Commodities
Prices Board, said in Bombay that the prices quoted before decontrol were black-
market prices and that “reports from various areas of Bombay showed that
after decontrol prices had risen from 50 to 100 per cent above the controlled
rates” for wheat and sugar.
KHADI CAN REMOVE CLOTH SHORTAGE 365
functions it should be done away with without a moment’s
thought.
As for cloth, if we have not forgotten khadi which has been
described as “the livery of freedom”’ there is no possible argu-
ment for continuing the control over it. We have enough cotton
and we have innumerable hands which can work the looms and
the wheels in the villages. We can thus produce without diffi-
culty enough cloth for ourselves. It needs neither the noise of
the cities nor motor transport. In former times the railways first
served the need of the army. Its second task was to carry cotton
to the ports and carry cloth into the interior from the ports. Now
our calico is khadi. It is made in villages and is consumed in
villages. There is therefore no need of centralization here. Let
us not ruin our villages out of our indolence or our ignorance.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy : All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 267-70
338. KHADI CAN REMOVE CLOTH SHORTAGE
A friend writes that khadi can help to remove the short-
age of cloth in a matter of six months. For this two conditions
will be necessary, viz., (1) that the Central and Provincial Gov-
ernments should adopt the policy of encouraging spinning and
weaving in every village, and (2) that provincial and all-India
leaders should put forth greater efforts to popularize khadi.
In my opinion it should be worth while and it is the duty
of the Congress to fulfil these conditions for the sake of remedy-
ing cloth shortage. Our undoubted indifference in this respect
shows that we have failed in our duty. The price of cloth having
risen so high, the present is the most opportune time to get over
this indifference. This can be done by the example and conduct
as well as the wisdom of those who have unshakable faith in
khadi. When the Government adopts the policy of promoting
the cause of khadi, control over cloth and other commodities will
automatically go. Meanwhile also, cloth should be decontrolled
in the interests of the poor.
New Delhi, January 6, 1948
Harijan, 11-1-1948
’ By Jawaharlal Nehru. Vide Vol. LXV, pp. 446 and 473.
339. CERTIFIED AND UNCERTIFIED KHADT
The same friend, who suggests that khadi can remove cloth
shortage, writes that India having attained independence, there
is little difference now between certified and uncertified khadi,
mill-cloth and foreign cloth. Khadi may have significance for
him who spins and weaves to clothe himself, but people are
unable to do so or even to spin the minimum quota of yarn
prescribed for the purchase of khadi from the bhandars. No
improvement is noticeable in the quality of pure khadi, while
many useful varieties of uncertified khadi are available. More-
over, it is difficult nowadays to give what can be termed a
living wage in the khadi industry. On these grounds the writer
observes that the purchase of uncertified khadi should be per-
mitted. He proceeds to argue that having regard to the acute
shortage of cloth all over the country and to the fact that the
Union Government itself imports foreign cloth, there should be
no objection to the purchase of such cloth either.
That such questions can be raised shows the change in the
times. My answer is that only “certified khadi” should be used.
Let me indicate the meaning of this term. Even the Charkha
Sangh’s definition is incomplete. The term really implies that
a reasonable wage is given to spinners and weavers and the price
of khadi fixed with an eye on public good and not with a profit
motive. Certification of such khadi by the Charkha Sangh
becomes necessary, as people have as a rule, to fall back upon
the purchase of khadi in addition to self-made khadi.
Any other khadi is uncertified and open to objection and should
not, therefore, be used. It is open to the public to suggest im-
provements in the conditions presented for the certification of
khadi, but it would be definitely wrong to abolish the distinction
between certified and uncertified khadi.
Again, how can one shut one’s eyes to the distinction be-
tween khadi, mill-cloth and foreign cloth, or justify the import
of foreign cloth because foreign rule has ended? We must re-
member that we opposed foreign rule because it involved the
^ A Hindi version of this appeared in Harijan Sevak under the date-line
“New Delhi, 5-1-1948”.
366
HARIJANS IN HOSTELS 367
economic ruin of the country. The first fruit of freedom should,
therefore, be to put an end to this curse.
In fine it follows that pure khadi alone has place in swaraj:
in it lies the well-being of the people as well as true equality.
New Delhi, January 6, 1948
Harijan, 11-1-1948
340. HARIJANS IN HOSTELS^^
Apropos the recent legislation enacted by the Government
of Bombay extending to the Harijans the right of admission to
temples, wells, dharmashalas, schools, hostels, etc., Shri Parikshit-
lal writes that though this automatically covers undenominational
hostels as well, school and college hostels have not in actual
practice been thrown open to the Harijan students. His experi-
ence has been that the school and college authorities have not
adapted themselves to the spirit of the times to the extent the
hostel students have. As the academic year will soon be over
and fresh admissions will be made shortly, he has advised the
authorities to do the needful before the Harijan students are
forced to assert their legal right in the matter and has also sug-
gested to me to recommend the throwing open of the hostels in
Bhavnagar and other Kathiawar States to the Harijan students.
I endorse his suggestion and would add that if the stu-
dents in the hostels are sincere, they are sure to succeed in the
matter. In the present age the autocratic will of the managing
committees cannot prevail, particularly when, as in this case,
they are in the wrong and the students are in the right. Be
that as it may, the Harijan students should unquestionably be
admitted to hostels with honour.
New Delhi, January 6, 1948
Harijan, 11-1-1948
* A Gujarati version of this appeared in Harijanbandhu, 11-1-1948 under
the date-line “New Delhi, 4-1-1948”.
341. LETTER TO SITA GANDHI
4.30 a. m., January 6, 1948
CHI. SITA,
I have your letter. The previous one was long and I could
not cope with it. I am writing this immediately after prayers.
It is good that you have decided to go to Phoenix. When
you go there you will be able to form your own ideas. Your
dream of helping Manilal will also materialize to some extent.
Who knows what is in store?
It is good news that Vasant and the baby boy are well.
Nowadays they look for names from novels or from the Sanskrit
plays. I would know nothing about it. What is in a name?
It seldom happens that a person comes to have qualities worthy
of his name. As the poet says, “Fondly was the infant given
the name of Hari but in infancy did it die.”
Pass on the accompanying [letters].
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
342. LETTER TO SUSHILA GANDHI
New Delhi,
4.30 a. m., January 6, 1948
CHI. SUSHILA,
I have had two letters from you, one of which is lying in the
heap. The one to which I am replying was received yesterday.
I am glad that Sita is going there. I should not be glad
but there is a reason for it.
Your duty seems clear. You must give all possible help to
Manilal in his work, forgetting everything else. Ordinarily I
would not give such advice, but in this case I have reason for
doing so. Since Manilal is engaged in public service, I feel that
it would be a great thing if you could identify yourself with him.
The statement that ordinarily I would not give such advice refers
to cases in which the husband tries to tempt his wife to pleasure.
368
LETTER TO MANILAL GANDHI
369
I should like you to retain only one attachment, giving up all
others, and I have explained to you what that is. I am not
asking you to look after the children carefully because they are
yours, but since they are under your charge you ought to protect
them. That would have been your duty even if they had not
been your own children. I have tried to follow this rule from a
very young age. Manilal knows about it. For you service of the
country will be where Manilal lives.
You may do whatever you can to help the struggle there
without getting involved in it.
I am glad that you have succeeded in persuading Manilal to
take milk and curds. He must be free from all disease.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 5021
343. LETTER TO MANILAL GANDHI
New Delhi,
5 a.m., January 6, 1948
CHI. MANILAL,
I could get no time at all before now to write to you. I
got the mail yesterday and so am writing this letter.
I am forced to the conclusion that your health has suffered
because of lack of curds and milk in your diet. In the wide
vegetable kingdom nothing has been discovered so far which can
serve as a substitute for milk. As long as one keeps fit, one does
not feel the need for animal foods, but once the health goes down
it cannot be rebuilt without such foods.
Now that Sita is going there, you will get all the help you
need. I agree that her studies will suffer there. But she will cer-
tainly learn what I believe she ought to learn, namely, whatever
she can while helping her parents in their work under their own
guidance. This is real economics. I have no time just now to
explain why. Probably you don’t even need an explanation.
Do what you can in connection with the struggle there which
is going to be a difficult one.
I have so far maintained my health in spite of the great
pressure of work. God will do as He wills. Sushila^ was to
’ Dr. Sushila Nayyar
90-24
370
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
proceed to America in a few days for further experience. But
now those people have on their own put off the visit. Let us see
what happens. According to me, what we cannot get in our own
country will be of no use to us. But I am not able to convince
anybody about this.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 5020
344. LETTER TO ILA GANDHI
5.15 a.m., January 6, 1948
CHI. ILA^,
I suppose you are too busy to spare time to write to me.
Do you still talk a lot? How nice it would be if you took
a vow of silence!
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 5019
345. LETTER TO ARUN GANDHI
5.30 a. m., January 6, 1948
CHI. ARUN^,
Yes, I think I did get a note from you.
Build up fine health. Your real education will be what you
learn from Manilal. To which school do you go? Do not for-
get your Gujarati.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 5018
^ ^ Daughter and son of Manilal Gandhi
346. LETTER TO ANAND T. HINGORANI
New Delhi,
January 6, 1948
CHI. ANAND,
I have your letter.
Losing money means being freed of a curse, as the poet sings
in the following bkajan:
He who has by good fortune found Rama
is blessed with three things:
First, he loses kine, kin, wife,
his wraps and shawls,
his elephants and horses
and is made destitute of all resources.
Second, he is humiliated by the world,
and loses all respect,
he counts for nothing among his kinsmen
and has no friend left.
Third, he suffers bodily affliction.
Day and night he is sickly.
His eyes cannot glimpse happiness.
His life is spent in pain.
In three ways thus he is a pauper.
But he thinks only of Him,
And is ever alight with the knowledge.
That all things are yoked to the Nameless God.
He who does not know these three things,
has really attained nothing.
It is only after suffering many a birth and old age.
That Tukdo has attained to that state.
Why grieve that you cannot hear? The advantages are clear.
You have seen my three preceptors — the three monkeys I keep
before me. One of them has his hands over his ears. What more
shall I say?
Your handwriting is good.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a microfilm of the Hindi,
and Anand T. Hingorani
Courtesy: National Archives of India
371
347. LETTER TO MAHADEV A. HINGORANI
New Delhi,
January 6, 1948
CHI. MAHADEV^,
I was glad to have your letter. To me you were only born
yesterday. It does not even occur to me that fifteen years have
passed since. Why do you want to meet me? We all meet in
thought, indeed. Live long and serve for a long time.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a microfilm of the Hindi. Courtesy: National Archives of India
and Anand T. Hingorani
348. LETTER TO GANGI A. HINGORANI
New Delhi,
January 6, 1948
CHI. GANGI,
I have your letter and Anand’s also. What do you want
to do living alone with me? You must understand that your
duty is to live with Anand and living with him to do what service
you can.
It cannot be said that you are fully recovered. Get well soon.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a microfilm of the Hindi. Courtesy: National Archives of India and
Anand T. Hingorani
' Son of Anand T. Hingorani by his first wife, Vidya
372
349. SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
New Delhi,
January 6, 1948
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
I hear that even today people have been trying to get into
the Muslim houses. The police have been doing their duty and
trying to stop them. After all what can the police do? They can
only resort to tear gas. I am told that that was what they did.
There is plenty of room here. One cannot say that Delhi lacks
space. There is no doubt that refugees are in a bad plight. It is
not right that they should have to live under the open sky. When
it rains it is not enough that they should have only a cloth
between them and the sky. Therefore, in distress they resort to
anything. But it does not seem right that they should single out
only Muslim houses. I told one of them that this was a pretty
big house, a large number of men could be accommodated here.
They could throw me out and also throw out the ailing woman
with me and afterwards the owner. He said that it was easy
for me to find accommodation but who would give the refugees
any accommodation ? I would understand what they are doing if
every other recourse had failed and if the people of Delhi had
also failed them. But it is not good — it will do us no good to
occupy the houses of those we have scared away or driven out.
The police today offered the refugees a few houses which they
refused. Let them say clearly that they do not want any Mus-
lims here. It would not be decent but at least it would have the
virtue of being a straightforward course. They may say that
since the Muslims have killed Hindus in Pakistan they shall kill
the Muslims in India or that they do not trust them. But what
is happening today is sheer madness.
Our present misfortune is that people unthinkingly indulge
in meaningless rowdyism. The mentality seems to be that now
that we are a free country we can do what we like. A report
from Bombay says that the Government there is in a great
difficulty. Dock workers have gone on a strike.* Such strikes are
* The workers of the engineering department of the Bombay Port Trust
were demanding speedy implementation of the Pay Commission’s recommen-
dations.
373
374
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
going to be our undoing, to say nothing of the fact that they can
bring no benefit to the workers whichever the party behind the
strike may be, Congress or Socialist or Communist or any other.
Our country today is passing through a critical phase. Our effort
should be to tide over the present situation and survive.
I have a letter from the Maharaja of Aundh, a small State in
Maharashtra.’ He had even when the British rule was still strong
in India handed over the reins of the government to the people
of his State. He and his son felt that they should serve the people.
They devised a constitution, had a body elected and made it
responsible for the administration. The Maharaja writes that the
feeling among the other Rulers is that whatever he may do he
should only do along with the other Rulers and that he should
not act all by himself. He has almost decided to merge his
State with India but he still continues to be the Raja, though
only as a servant of his people. He will accept whatever is
sanctioned to him by his people. Sardar Saheb feels that the
Rulers should be given pensions, unconditionally, whether they
functioned as such or not. He has started the process with
Orissa.2 I do not consider it right that the Maharaja of Aundh
should be pensioned off. Only he should not interfere in the
administration because the State now has responsible Govern-
ment. But he has been told that the nature of administration in
his State cannot be different from what it is in other States that
have merged with India. It cannot have separate laws. But I
say there is no need for any laws. When the power has been
handed over to the people it does not mean that the adminis-
tration should be conducted from Delhi. If there is a represen-
tative government it will have villagers on it. Such a body
should run the administration. There should be no need to
interfere with its work. Nor can any law be made for inter-
fering with it. Otherwise it would not be popular rule. Popu-
lar rule cannot be established by the sword.
A friend writes that only a happy country can be said to
have Ramarajya, that we may import goods from outside, but
only as much as we can export, so that the trade is balanced.
He says this has not been the case with us. We have always
been debtors. Lately we have become creditors. But how long
can we remain creditors if we keep up the present rate of
’ Vide p. 355.
^ The administration of the 25 Orissa States was taken over by the Govern-
ment of India on January 1 and they were merged with the Orissa Province.
A LETTER
375
spending? What we should do is to have the very minimum
of imports and the very maximum of exports. Only then can we
have a surplus of foreign exchange.
The fact is that what we import from outside is only our
raw material converted into consumer goods. Our aim should
be that we should have no need for importing anything or if we
import anything it should only be to help other countries. If
some country needs money and asks us for it we should be able
to send the money. The correspondent is right in saying that
so far America alone is such a country. We do not want to be
like America but at least we can reduce our imports to match
our exports.
[From Hindi]
Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 271-4
350. A LETTER
January 7, 1948
The news from Sind causes anxiety.^ I of course want to go
to Sind but with what face can I go? To try to quench the
flames elsewhere while one’s own house is burning will only
make the flames rage more furiously. The better course would
be to try and extinguish the fire at home. If one succeeds in
that it will also help elsewhere.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 244
* On January 6, 184 Sikh refugees from upper Sind had arrived in
Karachi in the morning by train. While proceeding in open carriages to the
Gurdwara at Ratan Talao, they were followed by a Muslim mob and stoned
all the way. Nearly 8,000 Muslims surrounded the Gurdwara, scaled its walls
and pounced upon the refugees. The trouble spread through the city and
nearly 2,000 shops and tenements, mostly belonging to Hindus, were broken
open and property worth one crore was looted. Over 120 Hindus and Sikhs
were reported to have been killed.
The authorities, unable to control the situation, called in the troops at
2 p. m. and a curfew was imposed.
351. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
January 7, 1948
To entertain enmity against the shark while living in the sea
is not bravery but only folly. Therefore, if you are unable to
abide by the rules of the Ashram, you can by all means stay
outside and carry on various activities of public service. I have
no time to write more.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^II, p. 244
352. FRAGMENT OF A LETTERS
January 7, 1948
. . . Had to go without sleep today. For a while attended to
Manu and looked through the post. The pressure of work here
is so great that I can cope with the post to some extent only if
I attend to it early in the morning immediately after the prayer.
Afterwards the rush of visitors begins. I must achieve something or
die in the attempt. I cannot say what will happen. I seek light.
I can glimpse some rays in the darkness. Only when I attain
enlightenment in full, shall heart-unity in Delhi be enduring.
Well, I have managed to write this with great difficulty.
How are you all? How is your health? You must keep writing
to Manu. She will write the rest. I have not succeeded in
bringing her back to health. She wrecked her body in serving me
in Noakhali. If she can regain her strength I shall be immensely
relieved. If she could follow my advice and give herself rest
for a couple of months and be cheerful, I would see about the
outward treatment. Today this is not possible. I cannot give
her my full attention. If I can bring matters here to some con-
clusion, my next task will be to make Manu strong as a wrestler.
Or else she may well die. . . . This of course I write in jest.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^II, pp. 244-5
’ Omissions in the letter are as in the source.
376
353. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
January 7, 1 948
I am hoping that we shall be able to achieve something
here in a few days. Right now there is a conflagration raging
here. Today we have forgotten our humanity. God will show
the path He wills us to take. We must not give up the effort.
[From Hindi]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 244
354. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
January 7, 1948
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
I have here several notes and I shall try to deal with as
many as I can within 15 minutes.
A friend writes that he has gone on an indefinite fast. All
that I can say is that it is not right for him to fast. To resort
to a fast thus is a sin. While I am alive I should be consulted
because I have much experience of fasting. I shall not go into
the matter further.
I am told that students are about to go on a strike. The
date set is the 9 th. I must say that it will be a wrong step.
As I pointed out yesterday, to resort to strikes to gain one’s end
is not a good thing. I have no doubt in my mind that it is not
non-violence. I have conducted many non-violent strikes. It
cannot be said that every strike is non-violent and every strike is
legitimate. Students should confine themselves to studies and keep
away from strikes. I hope they will listen to me. I may again
mention that I have had a long experience spanning some fifty
years of non-violent strikes. I carried it on successfully not in
India but in South Africa. I do not remember any instance when
it failed me in anything I had undertaken. It cannot fail.
If your cause is just and if what you are doing is the only
course open to you, you are bound to succeed.
Today I received visitors from the Punjab, Sind, the Frontier
Province and other places — all in Pakistan. They described to
377
378
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
me their sufferings and asked me why I was not doing anything
in the matter. How can they know all that I am trying to do?
The only reason I am staying on here is that I may be able to
get something done somehow for these people. Today I have
become weak. Time was when what I said went home. Today
it is not the case. Then I was the General of non-violence.
Now that time is past. Today mine is a cry in the wilderness.
But even if I am alone I must say what is right. People say
that the Government is manned by persons who are my co-
workers and that they will do whatever I say. It is true that they
are my co-workers, but why should they do whatever I say?
They will only do what seems right to them. I can plead with
them and argue with them. If they see the point, well and good;
if not, I am helpless. They might tell me that running a govern-
ment is full of complications and difficulties, and that if I were
in the Government I would find out that I could not do as I
pleased. If the Ministers who are my friends, their secretaries and
the police, for I am no one’s enemy, were all to go by what I said
all would be well. The Government can always say that they
have not the right type of officials and staff. They are the same
people who were there during the British rule. They cannot
be turned out either. Whatever the reasons, I cannot make the
Government today do all that I want. I am as helpless as any
one of you. I am not God. I do only what my strength permits.
But what are the people to do? They have to have shelter,
clothing and food. When I myself have all those things, why
should anyone be deprived of them? After all they have not
committed any crime like assault or murder. They have been
hounded out from their homes. They are our brothers and sis-
ters. They have been subjected to indignities and injustice and
if even on coming here they cannot live in peace they have the
right to turn round and demand why they should be deprived
of the necessities of life when they are freely available to others.
I admit this is unjust. But I have told them what they can do.
The way is not for them to get into anyone’s house and occupy
it. Their attack should be non-violent. I have also told them
which houses are thus to be attacked.
They must also agree to do any kind of work assigned to
them to the extent that they can. For instance you may not
assign writing work to a man who cannot write. But if you give
a pickaxe to a man he should not say that he can only wield
a pen. Similarly they should live in any shelter that is given
to them, be it a tent or a room. All that is necessary is that
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
379
there should be a roof overhead and it should not matter if it is
only a thatched roof. Similarly they do not need any cots.
One can sleep on straw very comfortably. I know from experi-
ence that straw can be as warm as any cotton mattress. Let us
accept as a blessing from God anything we can get. If people can
learn contentment the few lakhs of refugees can be made reason-
ably happy. There is plenty of room here. Only their hearts
should be clean. Unfortunately the case is the very reverse.
You saw what has happened in Karachi.' People used to
say that such things could not happen in Sind. I always said
that Hindus could not live in peace in Sind. And not only
Hindus, even others. That was proved yesterday. They had
assembled in a Gurdwara awaiting evacuation. The Gur-
dwara was attacked. A few were killed, some were injured. The
Government says that the situation was brought under control
as soon as possible. But in the first place such a thing should
not have happened at all. I must tell the Pakistan Government
to see that such things do not happen or else they should quit
the Government. Maybe if there is no government there will
be plunder and looting for a few days. But later the situa-
tion will improve. I have the same thing to say to the Govern-
ment in India. I shall not listen to the Government saying
that people cannot be persuaded. If the people cannot be
persuaded they must give up the pretext of governing. Both
the Governments are the same in my eyes. If the Pakistan
Government allows the people to be murdered in this way, the
Government will not last long. To you, brothers, I shall only
say, do not let yourselves become mad. You must swallow your
anger. You must not answer anger with anger and say, ‘We
will destroy the mosques, occupy them and kill the Muslims.’
This will not be just. Such personal vengeance will put an end
to the rule of law. Certainly we should provide all reasonable
facilities to the refugees. It will be shameful if we do not.
We should not be afraid or upset or angry over what has
happened in Karachi. In return we on our part should live
peacefully. If we can conduct ourselves decently, if we let the
Muslims stay on, and if the refugees behave with civility, we
shall soon overcome the present painful situation.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 275-9
* Vide footnote to “A Letter”, p. 375.
355. LETTER TO SHANTA NERULKAR
5.45 a. m., January 8, 1948
CHI. SHANTA^,
I have your letter and also the list sent by you.
I have signed the budget.
I would like the Talimi Sangh to take over everything.^ It
will be a test for you all. If you do not master the art of taking
work from other institutions it will be the end of all work. If
you are complacent and depend on my help you are likely to
repent it. How long can I live? If you have the grace of God
you have everything. And I have already defined the condition
for obtaining that grace.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
356. LETTER TO E. W. ARTANATAKUM
5.50 a. m., January 8, 1948
CHI. ARYAM,
I have your two letters. You should find some time and
improve your Hindustani and both the scripts. If Asha is not
there you should take the help of others who know Hindustani.
Why not Meetu’s^ help?
I would like the Talimi Sangh to take up the work of the
K. G. N. M. Trust as well. It may be said that I am running
a risk here. It is for you, it is your duty, to see whether you
can shoulder all the responsibility. The co-operation of all the
institutions and people depends upon your tact and friendliness.
I can but obtain it for you; it is for you to carry it through
and to develop it. Do you understand what I am saying?
* Member, Hindustani Talimi Sangh
2 The reference is to the unification and co-ordination of the four Sanghs
as suggested by Gandhiji. Vide pp. 222-3.
^ Addressee’s daughter
380
LETTER TO KRISHNADAS GANDHI 381
Ask me if you don’t. You could even have written to me in
Bengali.
I understand what you say about Ramachandran. I am
writing to him.'
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
357. LETTER TO AMINA G. QURESHI
January 8, 1948
CHI. AMINA,
I find your letter very sweet. I think it was no less than
your good luck that you could serve Totaram^. You are abso-
lutely right that after the late Imam Saheb he was the lone
elder in the Ashram. Parikshitbhai had sent me a telegram.
Wahid^ has indeed risen high. If he works hard he is sure to
forge ahead as you say. Take care of your health. If you make
the proper changes in your diet you will get rid of the redun-
dant fat. Which college does Hamid'* go to? What is Sultana^
doing ?
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
358. LETTER TO KRISHNADAS GANDHI
January 8, 1948
CHI. KRISHNADAS®,
It is quite correct that you should write in Hindustani. I
am, however, replying in Gujarati.
I am very glad that Manojna’' co-operates with you. Seek
more help from her if you can. She can speedily improve her
knowledge of Hindustani and of the two scripts. Then why can’t
' The letter is not traceable.
^ Totaram Sanadhya; vide pp. 404-5.
® Addressee’s children
® Son of Chhaganlal Gandhi
^ Addressee’s wife
382
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
we devote our entire attention to it? All our [dealings] needs
must be in Hindustani, not in Hindi or Urdu. Hence I would
not regard the expression nirvachit, which has been used in the
resolution that we have passed, as Hindustani. There must be
a simpler equivalent for it. If nirvachit means ‘one who has
been elected’ why can’t we say chuna hua? This is only by way
of an illustration. Why should the letter-heads be in English
any more? My point was that it never ought to have been.
Anyway now we surely cannot have it, so all such letter-heads
should be utilized in some other way. You can cut off the part
carrying the print and get a rubber-stamp for the name and
address, or have them reprinted. A third way is to score out
the printed portions. But that is a method I myself do not like.
Why should our constitution be in English? It should be
in beautiful Hindustani. Even now we should have it rendered
into Hindustani.'
Now about Khadi Pratishthan. An ordinary uncertified khadi
bhandar defies us and carries on its business. It competes
with us. What Khadi Pratishthan does is not with a view to
competing with us; rather, whatever policy it adopts should help
us to learn something. If we look at it from this point of view
I see a very great difference. Even then we don’t propose to
act in haste.
I am forwarding your letter to Hemprabhadevi.
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
' A committee was later appointed to translate the Constitution into
Hindi. It consisted of Ghanshyam Singh Gupta (President), Raghuvira,
Kamalapati Tripathi and Haribhau Upadhyaya.
359. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
January 8, 1948
Kakasaheb has been here for the last two days. It was
with the greatest difficulty that I could find time to talk to
him about Hindustani and other things. If he had not himself
spoken he might have stayed on for weeks and I might not
have found time to talk to him. Innumerable people — men and
women — visit me during the day. There is a huge pile of letters
to be attended to. The work connected with Harijan has to be
done. There is not a moment to spare. Usually Manu shaves
me. But today I have taken away this work from her. I am
lying in the bath, plying the razor and dictating this letter to
Manu.
I am not as fit as I should be, which shows weakness of
my faith in Ramanama. . . .'should go to Rajkot. By staying
here he will only deceive himself and others. Man is his own
enemy. No one can be the enemy of another. Similarly, no
one in the world can harm anyone.
You should give up the craving to live in the Ashram. I
have told the few people who are still there to stay there only
if they can stand on their own feet.
I had never doubted that the removal of rationing would
bring the relief it has brought. The Government hesitated be-
cause they were afraid of hurting the vested interests. But can
a government be carried on in this way? Nothing is certain
about me. There is still much fire smouldering here. One can-
not say when it may not leap into flames.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 250-1
Omission as in the source
383
360. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
January 8, 1948
I had your letter written in English. First, I must apolo-
gize for the delay in answering it. I have not a moment’s
leisure. Even now I am lying in the bath shaving. Usually
Manu performs this service, but today I am doing it myself
and I am dictating this to Manu. Such is my plight.
The Bahawalpur situation has got out of hand.' Who will
mend matters? I am full of anxiety. Panditji^ comes at least
once a day. I shall speak to him. My going there will serve
no purpose. If I can achieve something here it will have an
impact on the whole of India. Running about from one place
to another will achieve nothing. I have to do or die here.
Even if I can die bravely it will do a lot of good. Let us see
what God wills. We are all in His hands.
You must not rush here, abandoning the people. Even if
you die there courageously, it will be well for Bahawalpur.
[From Hindi]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 251
361. LETTER TO GOVLND BALLABH PANT
January 8, 1948
BHAI GOVIND BALLABH PANT,
Read the enclosed and do whatever is proper.
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
' Vide pp. 288-9.
^ Jawaharlal Nehru
384
362. LETTER TO MANGAL SINGH
January 8, 1948
SARDARJI,
I got your letter written in English. Why did you write in
English instead of in Hindustani? It appears that you have sent
copies of the letter to others as well. As I had already replied
to it, you would not, I suppose, expect another reply from me.
I am already doing what I can with whatever strength I have.
I do not hold the reins of the Government.
Sardar Mangal Singh, ex-m.l.a. (Central)
Shiromani Akali Dal
Amritsar
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
363. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
January 8, 1948
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
A correspondent refers to what I had said about the Hari-
jans and drinking.’ As a matter of fact it was not only Hari-
jans I had mentioned but all others. He asks if only Harijans
should give up drinking, what about the soldiers and rich
people? It is a silly question. If the rich do not give up
drinking, does it mean that others too should not give it up?
Even if there is no prohibition drinking does not become a vir-
tue. Does it mean that if others sin we should also sin? Since
he has asked me I would tell him that all those who drink
should give up the habit. Since the Harijans and the labour
class cannot be persuaded the law must persuade them. They
take to drink because they are deprived of other comforts of
life. They want to drown their poverty in drink. But what rea-
son can there be for the rich and the soldiers to drink? It is
not that all the soldiers drink. Even among the English there
’ Vide p. 340.
385
90-25
386
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
are many who do not drink. Everyone should give up drinking.
The law will apply to all. It will not make any exception in
favour of the rich.
I shall speak now of the students’ strike. I understand that
students who are Congress supporters will not join the strike.
It seems the strike was organized by the Communist students.
There are all types of students — Communist, Socialist and Cong-
ress supporters. I am not concerned with that. I am address-
ing them all. If the Congress students are not taking part in the
strike they deserve to be complimented. I shall advise all the
students not to go on strike. It pains me that Communist stu-
dents are taking this step. Communists are clever people. They
too want to serve the country. But this is not the way to
serve the country. And why should the students support any
particular party? The students form a party themselves. Their
job is to study not merely for themselves but for the service of
the country. So long as one is a student one is not a Commu-
nist, or a Socialist, or a Congressman. One is merely a student
devoted wholly to studies. Strike for them will be fatal.
I have a question here. It is a good question. I am
asked why I who have been advising everyone to give up evil
things don’t offer the same advice to Pakistan, why I do not go
there and resort to satyagraha. I have answered the question
except for the satyagraha part. How can I go to Pakistan so
long as we are behaving here as they do in Pakistan? I can
only go to Pakistan after India has cleansed herself. I will do
or die here. Hindus and Sikhs of Delhi have gone mad. They
want all the Muslims here to be driven out. A large number
have already gone. They want the rest also to go. There are
Sikhs and Hindus in Pakistan who want to come away. But
what is the use of satyagraha today? There is no satyagraha
and no ahimsa left now. Everyone has become a votary of vio-
lence. They want the help of the army and can be happy only
when they have such help. Today armed force has replaced
God. Today even our newspapers are spreading filth. If people
would listen to me, the newspapers would present a very differ-
ent picture. The correspondent asks: “Since Hindus and Sikhs
in such large numbers have been thrown out of Pakistan, where
is the place for the Muslims to live ? And so long as the same
number of Muslims do not leave India, where is the place for
the refugees to occupy?” I think that the number of Muslims
who have already left equals the number of Hindu and Sikh
refugees from Pakistan. It is madness to demand that the rest
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
387
of them should also go because attempts are being made to drive
out from Pakistan the Hindus and Sikhs still left there. We still
have large numbers of Muslims in India. I am told that the
meeting called by Maulana Azad in Lucknow was attended by
70,000 Muslims. It was the largest number of Muslims who
attended a meeting in recent times. Must we kill all those
Muslims or send them away to Pakistan, and why? I shall
never give such shameful advice. There is no bravery in it.
A number of people from Bahawalpur came to see me to-
day. A few persons from Mirpur-Kashmir also came. They are
obviously in great difficulty. While they were still talking Pan-
ditji dropped in. I asked him to hear what the visitors had to
say. The representatives of Mirpur had a talk with Panditji
and I hope something will be done. I do not say that all that
they want will be done. Although it is not yet a formal war, it
is something very similar. In the circumstances it will be difficult
to find a way of bringing over all the people marooned there.
I am sure the Government will do what it can. But if there
are still some people left there who cannot be helped, there
is nothing much we can do about it. We do not have enough
trains and buses. The Kashmir road is not yet fit for transport-
ing millions of people. It is too narrow.
The Bahawalpur refugees told me that the other refugees
could have their names registered for jobs and send in appli-
cations, but that all the applications of those coming from Baha-
walpur were not being entertained. They asked why there
should be such discrimination. They were very polite and reason-
able. They said that people coming from the Frontier Province,
the Punjab and Sind could apply and were eligible for jobs. I
said this could not be true and if there was such discrimination
against the refugees from Bahawalpur it must be a mistake. The
Sardar has said that there would not be any discrimination.
However, I shall find out.
[From Hindi]
Prarthana Pravachan — ^II, pp. 279-83
364. LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI
January 9, 1948
CHI. NARANDAS,
The Ashram and [I] are sorry for Chi. Navin’. I have to
be a mute spectator of whatever happens. Everyone follows
his own nature; how can Navin be an exception? I am totally
indifferent about this marriage. What could have been your idea
in writing to me? How can there be any blessings from me?
I am glad that you undertook the journey.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
365. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
January 9, 1948
Today this capital city is under a kind of siege. Although
India is free the capital of India is protected by the army and
the police and I can do nothing but sit here and watch.
Votaries of non-violence today have had to put their trust in the
weapons of violence. What a severe test it is going to be for
us. If this is God’s will, what strange design does it hide?
But I have to do or die. Those who believe that arms can
save Delhi are greatly mistaken. Whether it be Delhi or the
world only one thing can save us and that is heart amity.
I have no time at all. There is a heap of letters to be
answered. So only this much for today.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 257
Son of Vrajlal Gandhi
388
366. LETTER TO AMRITA LAL CHATTERJEE
New Delhi,
January 9 \^1948Y
CHI. AMRITA LAL,
I have your letter. I am glad that you wrote it in Hindu-
stani in the Bengali script.
I think Dhiren is committing a mistake. It is a good thing
that the marriage is still far away. He has a perfect right to
act as he wants. Blessings are unnecessary when the cause is
good; they become a curse when the cause is bad.
I have read your letter about Kanaiyo.^ I am writing to
him. My thoughts are firm and clear and I am conveying them
to him. It will be good if you read his letters.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: C. W. 10425. Courtesy: Amrita Lai
Chatterjee
367. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM
January 9, 1 948
DAUGHTER AMTUL SALAAM,
Your letter is full of anger. Anger seems to be the food on
which you subsist. My simplest statement seems crooked to you.
Let it be. Gan one help one’s nature?
I have never felt that you are a Muslim and I am a Hindu.
The only feeling I have is that you are A. S. and I am Gandhi.
Where our atmans are concerned we are one.
1 hold that it is your duty to go to Borkamta. No other
question arises if you too believe the same. It is imperative
that you go to Borkamta soon. In my view you are the moving
spirit behind whatever has been achieved there. It was and still
* The source has “1947”, evidentiy a slip, for the addressee’s letter under
reply was dated December 27, 1947.
2 Kanu Gandhi and the addressee had expressed their disapproval of
Gandhiji’s experiment in brahmacharya and Abha Gandhi’s participation in it.
389
390
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
is your most significant work. Only you can sustain it. At
present no one but you can accomplish that work. If you do not
ask me for money, that too would be in your interest. Nothing
belongs to me; everything belongs to one or the other trust.
Wherever you stand you stand in the capacity of my daughter,
do you not?
What can be done if you hold a different view despite
Bari’s and my opinion that you should forget all about Patiala?
Blessings from
Bapu
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
368. TRIBUTE TO BHAURAO PATH
New Delhi,
January 9, 1948
The services of Shri Bhaurao Patil are in themselves a true
tribute to him. Yet the activity taken up by the students is
worthy of praise. May Shri Bhaurao continue for long to render
service.
M. K. Gandhi
G. J. Salunke
President, Bhaurao Patil Felicitation Fund Committee
Satara
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
369. TALK WITH SAURASHTRA DELEGATION^
Birla House, New Delhi,
January 9, 1948
What I want is that you should have Nanabhai as your
counsellor, even as sage Vashishtha was in Ramarajya. He will not
shine more by being the Chief Minister. When there is friction
* Which included Manubhai Pancholi, Balwantrai Mehta, Mohanbhai
Motichand Gadhadawala and others. They expressed the view that Nrisinha-
prasad Kalidas Bhatt should be made Chief Minister in the popular government
at Bhavnagar.
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
391
between the ruler and the subjects he can bring them together.
He should not transfer his institution' to the city. He should
continue it in Ambla. I do not feel that Nanabhai will say no.
He will not fit too well in the seat of power. His place can only
be in the field of education. If everyone becomes Chief Minis-
ter, who will make up the subjects? Just as the ministers should
be educated so also the people should be educated. Only if the
people are educated will they keep the ministers on their toes.
Only an educated people can discern the path to freedom. My
own view is that Balwantrai should be made Chief Minister. He
served the old Bhavnagar State for many years. The qualities
that Balwantrai has are not to be found in Nanabhai. And
Nanabhai’s qualities Balwantrai does not possess. Dhebar alone
cannot tackle the problems of Kathiawar. If the entire Kathia-
war has only these two I shall have no worry. We cannot
burden Dhebar alone with the responsibility of the whole of
Kathiawar. In the ceremony PattanP should be kept in the
forefront. This is my considered view. But if you invite him
only to censure him, then you should not invite him. If we start
with prejudices of any kind we shall only frustrate our purpose.
You must learn from him. There will be occasions when the
State will be able to find a way through difficulties through his
experience alone. I am giving my opinion unsought. If you do
not like it you can reject it. You should not think that you
have to accept it because I say it. If you do anything just to
please me, it will not please me but it will harm us both.
[From Gujarati]
Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 259-60
370. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
January 9, 1948
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
1 want to say something about a Hindu temple in Bahawal-
pur. It is still there but is no more in the possession of the
Hindus. The chief priest of the temple came to see me today.
His name is Bhagwandas. He saw with his own eyes how the
temple was attacked and how the Hindus ran for their lives
' Gram Dakshinamurty
2 Anantrai Pattani
392
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
by the backdoor. The chief priest also ran away with them.
He described to me how he was able to save some women.
He could not save them all but quite a number were rescued.
He wants me to find a way of bringing over the Hindus still
stranded there. I told him that I was doing all that a single
individual could do. The Government was trying to do some-
thing but it was not easy because one Government should not
interfere in the affairs of another. I have said it before and
I say it again that what is required at the present juncture is
patience. We should not fear death. We must fear dishonour
and indignity. To save one’s honour one must lay down one’s
life. If someone is asked to embrace Islam or be prepared to
die, he must choose death. Death is inevitable and cannot be
avoided for ever. This of course does not mean that we should
not do what we can to save ourselves but our ultimate trust
should be in God.
A refugee came to see me today. He was not a beggar,
nor a poor man. He has known prosperity. He lives in a bun-
galow nearby. The bungalow belonged to a Muslim who ran
away. The refugee friend was a friend of that Muslim. He
comes from the place where the Muslim has gone to settle. He
told him to go and live in his bungalow. Now he says he has
received a notice from the Government asking him to vacate
the bungalow which is required for public purposes. I have no
doubt that the Government would requisition the house. There
are many people, ambassadors and others coming from out-
side and the Government would want to provide them proper
accommodation. After all the Government cannot put up new
houses by magic. It is said that sages had this power in for-
mer times. It is related in the Ramayana how the sage Bhara-
dwaja had made a whole city appear from nowhere with the
power of his mantra. Today I know of no such mantra. I therefore
can understand it if the Government requisitions houses when it
wants them but it should then provide alternative accommodation
to the people living there. If the Government just pushes out the
occupants, where are they to go ? I am sure the Government can-
not act thus. But if such a notice has been received I cannot
really hold out any assurance of help. I myself do not have a
house of my own. I am living in another’s house. The affected
person should approach the Government. I still think that what
he says is not correct but if it is, it is a painful matter. I know
that anyone lawfully residing in a house cannot be served with
such a notice.
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
393
I have several other letters. A correspondent attributes to
me the statement that in Bombay everyone was allowed to draw
one seer of rice per day as his rationed quota. So far as I re-
member I never said this. In the present conditions of scarcity
one seer of rice per day per head would be too liberal an al-
lowance. Still I shall see what I had said.’ He says the quota is
a quarter seer per head, per day. This means one seer in four
days. This is not too bad. But in fact I recollect it was only
one seer in seven days. But if I had said that the allowance was
one seer per head per day it should be taken as incorrect.
There are so many notes and letters that I find it difficult
to decide which one to take up. One says that I am staying here
in Birla House where poor people cannot enter; formerly when
I was in Bhangi Colony poor people could approach me. What
he says is true and I like it. I think I had referred to this the
first time I came here.^ I came here at a time when Delhi
was in the grip of communal rioting. The town looked like a
graveyard. Bhangi Colony had also become crowded with refugees
and it was feared that anything might happen anywhere. So the
Sardar said that he would not allow me to live there. So they
moved me to Birla House. I did not object because after all I
cannot make do with a room. There had to be an office and
a kitchen, and moreover there are many people living with me.
Here I am also within easy reach of the ministers. They do not
send for me. They themselves come to me. It is their kindness.
It takes them only two minutes to come here. It took them 10
to 16 minutes to go to Bhangi Colony. The Muslim brethren
also find it easy to come here while they are scared of going to
Bhangi Colony. It will be a great thing if we can save such of
them as are left. Today goondaism rules the streets. Anyone
going on a bicycle is pulled down and his money or watch is
snatched away. Even those travelling in cars are stopped and
looted. Such is our present plight. It is a matter of great shame.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 283-5
’ Vide p. 328.
2 Vide Vol. LXXXIX, pp. 167-8.
371. LETTER TO VIJATA M. PANCHOLI
January 9, 1948
CHI. VIJAYA,
It is after a long time that you seem to have found occasion
to write to me. I often think of you.
The answer to your question is the verse which we sing
every day at the morning prayer. The prayer, in its entirety,
is meant not only to be recited but to be acted upon. This is
what the verse means; “Our misfortunes are not real misfortunes,
nor are our good fortunes so in fact. Real misfortune is the for-
getting of Vishnu, and the highest wealth consists in constantly
thinking of Him and trying to see Him in one’s heart.” Think
over this and shed your weakness. Why need one who feels
Rama in his heart, bemoan massacres or lose his reason because
of them? And, moreover, what about the inhuman conduct we
were guilty of on our side? Hence did Narasimha sing: “Let
not thy mind be affected by suffering or happiness, for they were
created with the body.” Think over this. I don’t like your
being weak. You should go to Panchgani. Accommodation is
available there now. Uruli also is a fine place. You should find
some time for rest.
Nanabhai must have received my letter.’
I have written this letter in great hurry, having put off go-
ing to bed for a while.
Look after the children with great care.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 7154. Also C. W. 4646.
Courtesy: Vijaya M. Pancholi
’ Vide p. 361.
394
372. LETTER TO SHARDA H. KOTAK
January 10, 1948
CHI. SHARDA,
Harjivan having passed away, your highest good lies in
acknowledging your faults when they are pointed out by others. One
may only praise the departed for his good qualities. How can
Dada' realize that even when I was finding fault with you I was
only admiring your good qualities ? However, irrespective of what
I did or did not tell him let me tell you one thing, that I
greatly appreciate your strength of character, and as for Harjivan
he was simply devoted to you. He believed that whatever brahma-
charya he could observe he did with the help of your strength
of character. He did not look upon it as a great achievement
on his part. It was therefore you who succumbed to his en-
treaties. Thus you fell and brought him down with you. If
you never had any respect for brahmackarya, raising a family would
have been regarded as the normal thing for you as for anyone
else. Only he can fall who has risen high. I write all this so
that you can be strong in future and may not feel dejected. You
should now devote yourself cheerfully to your own work and
your own dharma, and conduct yourself as Dada advises.
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
373. LETTER TO GANGADHARRAO DESHPANDE
January 10, 1948
BHAI GANGADHARRAO,
1 have your letter. I have always believed in the unifica-
tion of Karnataka and have loved the idea. I interpret Panditji’s
statement^ only to mean that the Central Government cannot
* Lakshmidas Asar
2 Replying to a question on November 27, 1947, in the Parliament,
Jawaharlal Nehru said that “the creation of the provinces of Maharashtra and
Karnataka raised greater difficulties, as any marked change would probably
affect the structure and economy of the provinces concerned. It must be
remembered that creation of new provinces would require careful consideration
in all its bearings, so that any decision taken would be acceptable to the neigh-
bouring provinces concerned. Every decision must be considered from the
point of view of the country as a whole.”
395
396
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
take the initiative in determining the boundary. But if the con-
cerned provinces reach a mutual understanding and ask for the
Centre’s approval, there will be no harm in it. I am keeping
well.
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
374. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
January 10, 1948
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
It is shocking to see how we have fallen today. Those who
pretend to be sadhus and boast of self-control and their recitation
of the Gita, show no self-control at all.' But generally these days
the prayer meetings are quiet and well-ordered, which is a good
thing.
I had been warned that the Bahawalpur refugees would
create a disturbance today and would keep on shouting through
the meeting.^ I said it could not be true. I know their sufferings.
I assure them that all the Hindus and Sikhs stranded there will
be brought over. The Nawab has given the assurance — although
I do not know how much one can depend on the assurances
of Rajas and Nawabs — that from now on Hindus and Sikhs
there will not be subjected to any harassment, that those who
want to leave will be allowed to leave under proper arrange-
ments and those remaining will not be asked to embrace Islam.
It may be that they are all safe there. The Government too
are seized of the matter. You may demand that they should
be brought over right now. But you must understand that,
though formerly we were one country, we are now two coun-
tries and enemies of each other. We try to do what we can.
There are seventy thousand Hindus and Sikhs there. In Sind
the number is much larger. They are not safe there. I have
a telegram from Karachi which says that the situation is
' A man wearing a saffron robe had got up and insisted on reading
out his letter to Gandhiji. It was with great difficulty that he was made to
sit down.
^ As Gandhiji walked to the prayer ground, the refugees from Bahawal-
pur staged a demonstration and shouted slogans asking for help for the
70,000 Hindus and Sikhs stranded there. They became perfectly peaceful
when Gandhiji sat down for prayers.
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
397
much worse than it was described in the newspapers and that
the damage done was much greater. The times are such that
we must maintain the utmost self-possession and patience. If we
lose patience we shall lose the battle. Defeat is a word that
should find no place in our dictionary. For this it is necessary
not to be provoked into anger. We have to think calmly what
we must do.
Today the Iranian Ambassador came to see me. He is a
guest of the Government. He said, “Iran and India have
always been friends. Both Iranians and Indians come of Aryan
stock.” He is right. If we look at the Zfind Avesta, we shall find
many Sanskrit words in it. We have also had dealings with
each other. The Ambassador said that India was the largest
nation in Asia and that Iran sincerely wanted friendship with
India. Gurudev' had once paid a visit to Iran and he was very
satisfied with the visit. The Ambassador told me that the rela-
tions between Iran and India ought not to be allowed to de-
teriorate. I asked him how that could be. Then he referred to
an incident involving an Iranian in Bombay. There are many
Iranians in Bombay. They run tea-shops there, which are visit-
ed by large numbers of Hindus, Muslims, Parsis and Christians.
There seems to have been some rioting there. I do not know
anything about it. I am told some Iranians were killed. Iranians
are after all Muslims. So the rioters must have decided that it
was quite all right to kill them. I asked him if he had any
complaint to make about the way the Government handled the
situation. He said he had none and that the Government had
quickly brought the situation under control. He says the Govern-
ment here too is good, that it has posted armed guards for the
protection of the Muslims who are here. He says in Iran Hindu,
Sikh and Muslim traders lived together in amity. Exaggerated
reports from India are always going there. What may happen
in future nobody knows. But the Government in Iran is keeping
itself vigilant, and it does not want to weaken its friendship
with India for whatever cause.
I still have two minutes, so I take up a letter. The corres-
pondent says that, though some people are happy that the
controls on articles of food have been lifted, he would like to
warn me that lifting of controls has not been a very good thing
and that I have only been getting one-sided information. But
when I receive so many wires and letters congratulating me, what
' Rabindranath Tagore
398
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
am I to say? I cannot reject them saying that they present
only one view. I cannot know the opinions of all and I cannot
see everything that is happening in the world because I am not
gifted with divine sight. The millions of people in India are my
eyes and ears, hands and feet. I also want to know the other
side. Do not believe in anything simply because I say it. Be-
lieve only what your eyes see. You will learn from your mistakes.
Do what appears to you right. Only then will you be able to
keep your freedom and deserve it.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 285-7
375. “URDU HARIJAN^’
Two weeks ago I hinted in the Gujarati columns that the
Harijan printed in the Urdu script was likely to be stopped as its
sale was steadily dwindling. Apart even from financial consider-
ations, I saw no meaning in publishing it, if there was no
demand for it. The dwindle to me was a sign of resentment
against its publication. I would be foolish if I failed to profit
by it.
My view remains unalterable especially at this critical junc-
ture in our history. It is wrong to ruffle Muslim or any other
person’s feeling when there is no question of ethics. Those who
take the trouble of learning the Urdu script in addition to
the Nagari, will surely lose nothing. They will gain a know-
ledge of the Urdu script, which many of our countrymen
know. If it was not for cussedness, this proposition will be ad-
mitted without any argument. The limitations of this script in
terms of perfection are many. But for elegance and grace it will
equal any script in the world. It will not die so long at least
as Arabic and Persian live, though it has achieved a status all
its own without outside aid. With a little adaptation it can serve
the purpose of shorthand. As a national script, if it is set free
from the bondage of orthodoxy, it is capable of improvement
so as to enable one to transcribe Sanskrit verses without the
slightest difficulty.
Lastly, those who in anger boycott the Urdu script, put a
wanton affront upon the Muslims of the Union who, in the eyes
of many Hindus, have become aliens in their own land. This
is copying the bad manners of Pakistan with a vengeance. I
invite every inhabitant of India to join me in a stern refusal
HOW DEMOCRACY WORKS
399
to copy bad manners. If they will enter the heart of what I have
written, they will prevent the impending collapse of the Nagari and
Urdu editions of the Harijan. Will Muslim friends rise to the
occasion and do two things — subscribe to the Urdu edition and dili-
gently learn the Nagari script and enrich their intellectual capital ?
New Delhi, January 11, 1948
Harijan, 18-1-1948
376. HOW DEMOCRACY WORKS
A valued correspondent has written to me two letters, one
issuing a timely warning about the ill effects of hasty decontrol
and the other about the possibility of an outbreak of Hindu-
Muslim riots. I have dealt with both the letters in a letter
which has become unexpectedly argumentative and gives my
view of democracy which can only come out of non-violent mass
action. I, therefore, reproduce the letter below without giving
at the same time the letters to which it is in answer. There is
enough in the answer to enable the reader to know the purport
of the two letters. I have purposely refrained from giving the
name of my correspondent and the scene of action, not because
the letters are confidential, but because nothing is to be gained
from disclosing either:
You still write as if you had the slave mind, though
the slavery of us all is abolished. If decontrol has produced
the effect you attribute to it, you should raise your voice,
even though you may be alone in doing so and your voice
may be feeble. As a matter of fact you have many compa-
nions and your voice is by no means feeble unless intoxi-
cation of power has enfeebled it. Personally, the bogey of
the shooting up of prices by reason of decontrol does not
frighten me. If we have many sharks and we do not know
how to combat them, we shall deserve to be eaten up by
them. Then we shall know how to carry ourselves in the
teeth of adversity. Real democracy people learn not from
books, not from the government who are in name and in
reality their servants. Hard experience is the most efficient
teacher in democracy. The days of appeals to me are gone.
The cloak of non-violence which we had put on during the
British regime is no longer now necessary. Therefore, vio-
lence faces us in its terrible nakedness. Have you also suc-
cumbed or you too never had non-violence? This letter is
400
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
not to warn you against writing to me and giving me your
view of the picture, but it is intended to tell you why I
would swear by decontrol even if mine was a solitary voice.
Your second letter about Hindu-Muslim tension is more
to the point than the first. Here too you should raise your
voice openly against any soft handling of the situation or smug
satisfaction. I shall do my part but I am painfully conscious
of my limitations. Formerly I could afford to be the monarch
of all I surveyed. Today I have many fellow-monarchs, if I
may still count myself as such. If I can, I am the least among
them. The first days of democracy are discordant notes which
jar on the ear and give you many headaches. If democracy
is to live in spite of these killing notes, sweet concord has to
rise out of this seemingly discordant necessary lesson. How
I wish that you would be one of the masters who would
contribute to the production of concord out of discord!
You will not make the mistake of thinking that your
duty is finished when you have apprised me of the situation
in your part of the country.
New Delhi, January 11, 1948
Harijan, 18-1-1948
377. HOW TO INCREASE YIELDS?
Bhai Harilal Bawabhai Patel of Gram Dakshinamurty writes:*
There is nothing new in Bhai Harilal’s suggestion. Never-
theless, those who hold the reins of the country are no farmers.
So what has been said above can be of help. Let us find time
from political activities and engage ourselves in constructive work,
give proper importance to agricultural reforms, teach the farmers
as much as possible and learn from them what we can.
If we use farmyard manure or compost it is not necessary to keep
the fields fallow. This manure keeps the soil ever fresh. It also does
not have to be carried from place to place. After a little experience,
such manure can be produced in every village. But these things
cannot be done mechanically. Let us glean what knowledge we
can find in writings such as above and provide right education to the
farmers by carrying on original experiments, and thus benefit them.
New Delhi, January 11, 1948
[From Gujarati]
Harijanbandhu, 18-1-1948
* The letter is not translated here.
378. A NOTE
Sunday, January 11, 1948
All natural remedies, i. e., the use of water, air, light, earth
and the open sky are to he included. The book will tell people
how to keep well and be stronger by the adoption of the na-
tural laws.
From a photostat: G. N. 7833. Also C. W. 4197. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur
379. LETTER TO PRABHAKAR
January 11, 1948
CHI. PRABHAKAR,
I have your letter. What point have I not answered?
It was not good that the man died; but he was released
and it has been a test for us.
I do not like the idea of leaving out the Sanskrit shlokas.
I see no need for the reading to be done in English. Have . . .*
translated into Hindi and read it.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 9042. Also C. W. 9166. Courtesy :
Prabhakar
One word is illegible here.
90-26
401
380. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
January 11, 1948
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
Only yesterday I complimented you on the calm you main-
tained in the meeting. But if boys and girls continue to whisper
or if women bring children who cry it is not good education for
them.* If they cannot keep the children quiet they should not
bring them to the meeting. I shall request all my brothers and
sisters to have the decency to keep quiet and also to keep the
children quiet. Continuous conversation during prayer obstructs
it. They should realize that God is omnipotent and omnipresent.
He hears everything. We must not abuse His silence and
mercy.
I have to refer to a painful matter. It concerns Andhra. I
have two letters from Andhra. One of them is from an elderly
gentleman^ whom I know and who does not write as a rule. The
other is from a young man whom I do not know. There is no
use telling you the names because you do not know them. Both
say that after August 15, all fear has vanished from people’s
minds. The British who were feared are gone. There is no fear
of punishment and also no fear of God. In Andhra people
are of robust health and when they feel that they are free
they lose all self-control. Now they do nothing but what will
further their self-interest. One of the correspondents bewails
the fact that all the sacrifices made by the Congress to see
India free has resulted in this. The Congress today is falling.
Everyone in the Congress today wants to become an M. L. A.
Those who succeed do not work for the country but only for
themselves. An M. L. A. gets quite a sizable salary — I do not
recollect how much — but it is quite adequate for one’s neces-
sities. The correspondent says that the M. L. A.s nevertheless are
corrupt and they harass civil servants and try to browbeat them
into doing their bidding. In this way both suffer morally —
* It being a Sunday, a large number of people attended the prayer
meeting.
^ Konda Venkatappayya; vide pp. 405 and 410-1.
402
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
403
civil servants as well as those who call themselves our repre-
sentatives. The elder correspondent suggests that I should go and
live in Andhra and see how things are. But I have lived not
only among Andhras but among all classes of people. To me
people of every province are Indians even if they speak different
languages. If someone says that he belongs to Andhra and has
nothing to do with the rest of the country, I too shall have
nothing to do with him. He says the rot is spreading amongst
us. The more people we return to the assemblies, the greater
the amount of filth. The fewer there are the less filth there will
be. He therefore suggests that we should reduce the number of
M. L. A.s because they do not in any case represent the people.
They go into the assemblies to serve their self-interest. They even
try to capture the Congress. Then there are others who call
themselves Communists or Socialists. They also feel all-important
and talk about capturing the whole of India. But who will
control India? Socialists and Communists and Congressmen are
all Indians. Let us not say that India is ours. Let us rather
say that we belong to India. If we make India our own, we
must do so not to further our self-interest, not to enrich our
relatives or to provide them jobs but to serve.
The women are talking. This is very bad. If you must
talk, then come to the dais and make a speech from here.
Maybe they do not hear a word of what I am saying. They
do not come here to listen. They come here because they have
nothing else to do.
A few Muslims came to see me today. They say they have
been and still are nationalist Muslims and Congressmen. They
say formerly Congressmen had great regard for them but now
they have fallen in their eyes. If the Congressmen think so little
of them, they should ask them to go and they will go. Let the
Government say so, too. In that way they will be spared the
assaults and the humiliation that are their lot. Those who met
me did not speak only for themselves. They represented all
the Muslims. I advised them to keep calm and assured them
that the Government was doing all it could. We would see
what to do if it failed. Today we must forget that we are Hin-
dus or Sikhs or Muslims or Parsis. If we want to conduct the
affairs of India properly we must be only Indians. It is of no
consequence by what name we call God in our homes. In the
work of the nation, all Indians of all faiths are one. If Hindus
say that they will kill Muslims or will not permit them to live
in India they will be committing suicide and the Muslims will
404
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
be spared the trouble of killing the Hindus. We cannot commit
suicide. We are Indians and we must lay down our lives in
protecting Hindus, Muslims, Parsis, Sikhs and all others.
[From Hindi]
Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 288-90
381. RACING AND BETTING
A correspondent from Madras writes a pathetic letter on the
subject of betting on the race-course and holds that the two go
together. If betting went, horse-racing probably would fall flat.
It is wholly unnecessary for the sake of the love of horse flesh
to have horse races and all their attendant excitement. They
pander to the vices of humanity and mean a waste of good
cultivable soil and good money. Who has not witnessed as I
have, the ruin of fine men caused by the gamble on the race-
courses? It is time to leave alone the vices of the West and to
strive to adopt the best that it has to give.
New Delhi, January 12, 1948
Harijan, 18-1-1948
382. THE LATE TOTARAM SANADHTA
Totaramji has passed away at a ripe old age without re-
quiring any nursing. He was a jewel of the Sabarmati Ashram.
Though not a scholar, he had wisdom. He had a treasure of
devotional songs and yet he was not an accomplished singer.
He used to delight the Ashram by his ektarT and his devotional
songs. His wife was exactly like him. She departed before
Totaramji.
Where people live in groups there are bound to be some
conflicts. I do not remember any occasion when this couple
might have been a party to any such conflict or the cause of
one. Totaramji loved the soil. Farming was his very life. He
came to the Ashram years ago and never left it. Men and
women, young and old, always sought his guidance. He brought
unfailing solace to them.
He was an orthodox Hindu. But, he held Hindus, Mus-
lims and people of other religions in equal regard. There was
* A one-stringed instrument
LETTER TO KONDA VENKATAPPAYYA 405
no trace of the feeling of untouchability in him. He had no
vices.
He never took part in politics, and yet his love for the
country was so great that it could be compared with the best
of its kind. Renunciation came to him naturally. He added
lustre to it.
This good man had gone to Fiji as an indentured labourer.
He was the discovery of Deenabandhu Andrews. The credit
for having brought him to the Ashram goes to Benarsidas
Chaturvedi.
Till the end of his life it was Amina, Ghulam Rasool
Qureshi’s wife and Imam Saheb’s daughter, who rendered him
what service she could.
“Great men live for others” was literally true in the case
of Totaramji.
New Delhi, January 12, 1948
[From Gujarati]
Harijanbandku, 18-1-1948
383. LETTER TO KONDA VENKATAPPATTA
New Delhi,
January 12, 1948
DEAR DESHABHAKTA,
It is refreshing to get a fairly long letter from you. I referred
to it yesterday in my prayer speech.* What you say is too
shocking for words. ^ I cannot move out of Delhi.
Love.
Bapu
From a photostat: G.N. 3233
* Vide pp. 402-3.
^ Vide pp. 410-1.
384. LETTER TO PARTHASARATHT
New Delhi,
January 12, 1948
DEAR PARTHASARATHY,
Go on as you are doing calmly, patiently and politely.
Tours,
M. K. Gandhi
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
385. LETTER TO SHARD A G. CHOKHAWALA
January 12, 1948
CHI. BABUDI,
I have your letter. I should like you not to lose your
peace of mind even when nearing death. He or she who has
Rama in his or her heart even while lying on sick-bed is in
fact serving the people. Goodwill for others is in itself a form
of service. To such a person life and death are the same thing.
I want you to cultivate such a state of mind.
The rest Sushila will write.
Blessings from
Bapu
From the Gujarati original: C. W. 10083. Courtesy: Sharda G. Chokha-
wala
406
386. LETTER TO SARAITA
New Delhi,
January 12, 1948
BHAI SARAIYA,
In your article you seem to have missed the point alto-
gether or I have failed to understand it. If a single new coin
is offered in exchange for three rupees, don’t you think it shows
an utterly absurd situation?
What can we say about the innocent?
Blessings from
Bapu
SwASTiK Court
Queen’s Road
Band Stand
Bombay
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
387. LETTER TO KEDARNATH SAHNI
New Delhi,
January 12, 1948
BHAI KEDARNATH,
I got your letter. Your wife has departed in peace. Hence,
there can be no cause for grief. Anyway, the body is destined
to perish some day or the other, some now, some later.
It was almost impossible for me to go there yesterday, it
was sufficient that Dr. Sushila went.
Blessings from
M. K. Gandhi
Kedarnath Sahni
Magistrate
Karnal
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
407
388. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING
New Delhi,
January 12, 1948
One fasts for health’s sake under laws governing health or
fasts as a penance for a wrong done and felt as such. In these
fasts, the fasting one need not believe in ahimsa. There is, how-
ever, a fast which a votary of non-violence sometimes feels im-
pelled to undertake by way of protest against some wrong done
by society and this he does when he, as a votary of ahimsa, has
no other remedy left.
Such an occasion has come my way. When on September 9
I returned to Delhi from Calcutta, I was to proceed to West
Punjab. But that was not to be. Gay Delhi looked a city of
the dead. As I alighted from the train I observed gloom on
every face. I saw even the Sardar, whom humour and the joy
that humour gives never desert, was no exception this time.
The cause of it I did not know. He was on the platform
to receive me. He lost no time in giving me the sad news of
the disturbances that had taken place in the metropolis of the
Union. At once I saw that I had to be in Delhi and do or die.
There is apparent calm brought about by prompt military
and police action. But there is storm within the breast. It may
burst forth any day. This I count as no fulfilment of the vow
to “do” which alone can keep me from death, the incomparable
friend. I yearn for heart friendship between Hindus, Sikhs and
Muslims. It subsisted between them the other day. Today it is
non-existent. It is a state that no Indian patriot worthy of the
name can contemplate with equanimity.
Though the voice within has been beckoning for a long
time, I have been shutting my ears to it lest it might be the
voice of Satan, otherwise called my weakness. I never like to
feel resourceless; a satyagrahi never should. Fasting is his last
resort in the place of the sword — his or others.
I have no answer to return to the Muslim friends who see
me from day to day as to what they should do. My impotence
has been gnawing at me of late. It will go immediately the
’ As Gandhiji was observing silence, his speech written in English was
translated into Hindi and read out after the prayers.
408
SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING
409
fast is undertaken. I have been brooding over it for the last
three days. The final conclusion has flashed upon me and it
makes me happy.* No man, if he is pure, has anything more
precious to give than his life. I hope and pray that I have
that purity in me to justify the step. I ask you all to bless the
effort and to pray for me and with me.
The fast begins from the first meal tomorrow (Tuesday). The
period is indefinite and I may drink water with or without salts
and sour limes. It will end when and if I am satisfied that there
is a reunion of hearts of all communities brought about without
any outside pressure, but from an awakened sense of duty.
The reward will be the regaining of India’s dwindling pres-
tige and her fast-fading sovereignty over the heart of Asia and
therethrough the world. I flatter myself with the belief that
the loss of her soul by India will mean the loss of the hope of
the aching, storm-tossed and hungry world. Let no friend or
foe, if there be one, be angry with me. There are friends who
do not believe in the method of the fast for reclamation of the
human mind. They will bear with me and extend to me the
same liberty of action that they